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THE 


Battle  of  Groton  Heights 


COLLECTION  OF  NARRATIVES,  OFFICIAL  REPORTS, 
RECORDS,  &c, 


STORMING  OF  FORT  GRISWOLD, 


AND    THE 


BURNING  OF   NEW  LONDON 


BY  BRITISH  TROOPS,  UNDER  THE  COMMAND  OF  BRIG. -GEN.  BENEDICT  ARNOLD, 


SIXTH    OF    SEPTEMBER,    1781. 


WITH  AN   INTRODUCTION   AND  NOTES. 


By    WILLIAM    W.    HARRIS. 


'*  Zebulon  and  Naphtali  were  a  people  that  jeoparded  their  lives  unto  the  death  in  the  high 
places  of  the  field. "—Judges,  5   Chapt.  18   Verse. 

[Inscription  on  Monument.] 


NEW     LONDON: 
1870. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year   1870,  by 

WILLIAM    W.   HARRIS, 

in  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


INDEX. 


Prefatory  Note,       -  v 

Introduction,  -              -               -              -              -              -  vii 

Burning  of  New  London,  from  Connecticut  Gazette,  Sept.  7th,  1781,  1 

List  of  Buildings  Burned,     "              "                "              -  -          4 

List  of  Killed  in  Fort  Griswold,          "                "  8 

Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery,         -              -              -  -        10 

Narrative  of  Stephen  Hempstead,     -              -              -              -  26 

Narrative  of  John  Hempstead,                 -              -              -  34 

Narrative  of  Jonathan  Brooks,  42 

Narrative  of  Avery  Downer,  M.  D.,     -  51 

British  Account  of  the  Battle,  from  Rivington's  Gazette,         -  56 

Brigadier- General  Arnold's  Official  Report,          -              -  60 

Return  of  British  Killed  and  Wounded,  66 

"        Ordnance,  &c,  Captured  in  Fort  Griswold,   -  67 
"         Ordnance  Captured  in  Fort  Trumbull  and  at  N.  London,  68 

Lieutenant- Colonel  Upham  to  Governor  Franklin,            -  -       69 

Sir  Henry  Clinton's  General  Orders,                             -              -  72 

Court-Martial  of  Militia  Officers,           -              -              -  74 

Memorial  of  Citizens  of  New  London  to  Colonel  McClellan,  79 

Report  of  Committee  on  Defense  of  New  London,          -  82 

Letter  of  Thomas  Mumford  to  Governor  Trumbull,               -  84 

List  of  the  Killed  at  Fort  Griswold,       -              -              -  85 

List  of  the  Wounded  at  Fort  Griswold,         -              -              -  87 

Fort  Griswold,              -             -             -             -             -  -       88 

Battle  Monument,  ------  89 

Colonel  Ledyard's  Autograph,   -              *              -              -  91 

Monumental  Records,          -----  92 

Appendix,        -             -             -             -             -             •  -120 


M182004 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 


The  actors  in  the  bloody  scene  at  Groton  and  New  London,  on  the 
6th  of  September,  1781,  have  long  since  been  gathered  to  their  fathers, 
and  those  who  with  boyish  awe  heard  its  vivid  recollections  from  their 
lips  are  becoming  aged  and  fast  following  them.  A  fear  that  as  with  each 
year  the  event  receded  into  the  past  the  details  would  become  more  dim, 
until  all  that  remained  of  its  features  would  be  the  outlines  in  the  nation's 
history,  led  to  the  attempt  of,  as  far  as  possible,  gathering  all  information 
upon  the  subject  with  a  view  to  its  preservation. 

It  is  true  that  valuable  and  interesting  accounts  of  this  event  have  been 
given  to  the  public,  but,  with  the  exception  of  Rathbone's  edition  of 
Hempstead's  and  Avery's  Narratives,  [published  in  1840  and  now  virtu- 
ally out  of  print,]  they  are  embodied  in  large  and  expensive  volumes  of 
extraneous  history,  which  by  many  would  be  thought  too  costly.  A 
farther  reason  for  publishing  was,  that  all  histories  before  published  are 
but  partial;  extracts  from  reports  and  narratives  are  given — but  a  full 
and  complete  collection  of  all  papers  bearing  upon  the  subject  has  never 
been  made. 

The  writer  felt  that  its  importance  in  history,  particularly  in  that  of 
his  own  town  and  state,  warranted  a  full  account  in  a  volume  especially 
devoted  to  the  purpose;  a  conviction  strengthened  by  expressions  of  ap- 
proval from  friends  in  whose  opinions  he  has  great  confidence.  The  plan 
of  publication  has  been  to  present  the  reader  with  the  cotemporaneous 
accounts  as  given  by  each  side  in  order  to  allow  him  to  draw  his  own 
conclusions  regarding  the  event.  To  fully  carry  out  this  plan  it  is  neces- 
sary to  publish  what  it  is  feared  will,  to  some,  appear  dry,  uninteresting 
details,  yet  which  to  a  complete  work  are  indispensable  ;  for  example,  the 
reports  of  the  Court-Martial  and  the  Memorial  from  citizens  of  New 
London  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Safety,  which,  although  they 
add  no  new  facts  of  interest  to  the  action  pioper,  throw  much  light  upon 
the  actual  condition  of  New  London  for  defence  at  that  time,  and  relieve 


vi  Prefatory  Note. 

the  reputation  of  an  officer  from  an  unjust  imputation  which  has,  from 
public  ignorance  in  the  matter,  clouded  it  to  the  present  day. 

The  narrative  of  the  late  Jonathan  Brooks,  and  especially  that  of  the 
quaint  John  Hempsted,  showing  the  serio-comic  side  of  the  tragedy,  will, 
in  their  amusing  truthfulness,  it  is  thought,  more  than  compensate  for 
the  barrenness  and  dry  detail  inseparable  from  official  reports. 

These  narratives,  as  also  that  of  Dr.  Downer,  have  never  before  been 
published.  In  all  of  them  the  peculiar  orthography  of  the  authors  has 
been  scrupulously  preserved,  as  an  attempt  of  change  to  our  modern 
style  might,  in  some  cases,  also  alter  the  sense  from  that  intended.  In 
the  preparation  of  the  notes  in  the  text  great  care  has  been  taken  to  make 
no  statement  as  positive  in  which  there  is  the  least  shade  of  doubt; 
when  made  by  extract  the  authority  is  given ;  and  when  suggested  by 
probabilities  it  is  so  expressed.  H. 

New  London,  July,  1870. 


INTRODUCTION. 


In  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1781  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  British  forces  in  North  America,  became  apprised, 
by  intercepted  letters,1  written  by  Washington,  of  a  meditated  attack 
upon  New  York  by  the  allied  French  and  American  forces.  Acting  on 
this  information  he  called  to  his  aid  a  considerable  portion  of  the  "  Army 
of  the  South,"  under  Cornwallis. 

On  this  fact  becoming  known  to  Washington  he  immediately  reversed 
his  entire  plan  of  proposed  operation,  and  determined  to  fall  upon  Corn- 
wallis with  an  overwhelming  force  before  Sir  Henry  Clinton  should  be 
able  to  amend  his  mistake  by  reinforcing  the  Earl.  Washington  gladly 
adopted  a  movement  in  which  the  prospects  were  good  of  retrieving  the 
fortunes  of  the  American  arms  in  the  south,  which,  under  command  of 
General  Greene,  had,  except  in  two  or  three  unimportant  skirmishes,  been 
disastrous  during  the  campaign  of  that  year. 

To  more  completely  distract  the  attention  of  Sir  Henry  from  his  true 
design,  Washington,  while  vigorously  perfecting  his  plans  of  organization, 
preserved  a  formidable  appearance  of  design  against  New  York.  Count 
de  Grasse,  who  had  recently  arrived  from  France  with  a  powerful  naval 
force,  was  ordered  to  the  Chesapeake  to  act  in  conjunction  with  an  allied 
army  which  had  quietly  been  withdrawn  from  the  north  and  dispatched 
to  that  point.  So  discreetly  and  with  so  much  secrecy  was  this  important 
movement  conducted  that  Sir  Henry  was  not  aware  of  it  until  too  late 
to  prevent,  by  reinforcements,  its  probable  disastrous  consequences  upon 
his  lieutenant. 

On  acquaintance  with  the  fact,  and  realizing  the  impossibility  of 
strengthening  Cornwallis  in  time,  he  resolved,  as  a  last  resort,  to  send  an 
expedition  against  a  northern  port  still  in  possession  of  the  Americans. 

1  Lossing  supposes  them  to  have  been  written  ror  the  express  purpose  of  deceiving 
Sir  Henry,  but  this  supposition  hardly  appears  to  be  sustained  by  circumstances  and 
subsequently  developed  facts. 


viii  Introduction. 

By  this  measure  he  hoped  to  induce  Washington  to  recall  either  the 
whole  or  a  great  part  of  his  expedition  in  order  to  protect  the  threatened 
point.  A  strong  American  army  of  observation  still  menaced  New  York, 
and  he  therefore  could  not  prudently  withdraw  from  its  defence  a  suffi- 
cient force  to  make  the  attempt  on  a  distant  or  strongly  fortified  point; 
yet  at  the  same  time  it  was  necessary  that  the  point  attacked  and  the  ap- 
parent consequence  of  its  fall  should  be  of  sufficient  importance  as  t©  di- 
vert Washington  from  his  descent  on  Cornwallis. 

New  London,  above  all  others,  appeared  the  proper  point.  Its  deep 
and  capacious  harbor,  in  the  event  of  a  permanent  lodgment,  would  be 
unequaled  as  a  station  and  rendezvous  for  the  immense  naval  force  ex- 
pected from  England  in  the  following  spring.  It  was  within  a  few  hours 
sail  of  New  York,  and  in  case  the  attack  upon  it  should  be  unsuccessful 
the  retreat  would  be  open  and  safe.  From  its  port  swarmed  the  dreaded 
privateers  which,  while  by  their  captures  they  furnished  the  rebels  with 
stores  and  munitions  with  which  to  continue  the  war,  at  the  same  time 
cut  off  the  supplies  and  weakened  the  royal  armies'  powers  of  offence. 
By  the  capture  of  the  harbor  their  great  rendezvous  would  be  broken  up. 
Beside  these  very  strong  reasons  were  others  no  less  important.  Should 
its  reduction  be  followed  by  permanent  occupation  it  would  open  a  most 
favorable  route  for  the  invasion  of  central  New  England,  for  a  large  por- 
tion of  which  it  was  the  natural  port.  In  addition  to  all  other  incentives 
for  its  attack  was  the  rich  prospect  of  immediate  plunder.  At  this  time 
the  accumulation  of  captured  military  and  other  stores  here  was  immense, 
the  cargo  of  the  merchant-ship  Hannah  alone  being  valued  at  four  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars.  The  fortifications  were  comparatively  small  and 
inefficiently  garrisoned.  The  regular  garrisons  consisted  nominally  of 
one  company  of  artillery  and  one  of  infantry  in  each — Fort  Trumbull  on 
the  west  or  New  London  side,  and  Fort  Griswold  on  the  opposite  or 
Groton  side,  of  the  river.  A  small  battery  on  Town  Hill,  known  as 
Fort  Nonsense,  was  manned  by  detachments  from  Trumbull.  Captain 
Adam  Shapley  commanded  the  artillery,  and  was  senior  officer  of  the 
latter  fort.  William  Latham  was  captain  of  artillery,  and  Oliver  Coit 
of  the  infantry  at  Fort  Griswold.  Colonel  William  Ledyard  commanded 
the  military  district,  comprising  the  towns  of  New  London  and  Groton, 
the  harbor  and  its  defences. 

At  this  time  the  garrisons,  which  were  very  seldom  if  ever  full,  were 
especially  depleted;  most  of  the  men  who  were  capable  of  bearing  arms 
were  either  in  the  armies  operating  in  the  field,  or,  as  was  more  generally 
the  case,  were,  by  the  force  of  habit  and  the  associations  of  a  people  pe- 
culiarly maritime,  drawn  into  either  the  public  or  private  naval  service. 


Introduction.  \x 

All  these  advantages  for  attack  being  offered  by  New  London,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  decided  to  equip  a  force  with  all  possible  dispatch  for  its 
reduction.  Arnold  had  just  returned  from  a  predatory  incursion  on  the 
southern  coasts,  and  his  success  on  that,  no  less  than  his  peculiar  fitness 
for  this  expedition  to  the  neighborhood  of  his  early  home,  induced  the 
commander-in-chief  to  entrust  its  conduct  to  him.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  intention  of  the  enemy  was  to  enter  the  harbor  at  night,  and  in 
the  surprise  seize  the  shipping  and  forts,  make  the  garrisons  prisoners,  and 
after  making  themselves  masters  of  the  town,  load  their  transports  with 
the  rich  plunder,  and  dispatch  them  with  the  captured  vessels  to  New 
York. 

All  this  the  enemy  reasonably  supposed  could  be  accomplished;  the 
sloops-of-war  brought  before  the  town,  and  the  forts  garrisoned  by  British 
soldiers,  before  the  alarm  could  be  given  by  the  inhabitants.  When  once 
in  possession  the  holding  of  the  forts  and  town  by  these  disciplined  troops, 
with  their  facilities  for  communicating  with  New  York,  against  the  un- 
trained militia,  would  be  a  matter  of  comparative  ease.  In  case  the  cap- 
ture did  not  recall  Washington,  a  safe  base  from  which  to  make  an  inva- 
sion of  New  England  would  be  secured.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  4th 
the  fleet  of  transports  and  sloops-of-war,  under  command  of  Captain 
Beazley  in  the  Amphion,  weighed  anchor,  and  under  easy  sail  proceeded 
with  a  fair  wind  down  the  Sound  toward  its  objective  point.  On  the 
following  day,  the  5th,  at  two  P.  M.,  it  came  to  anchor  under  Long  Isl- 
and shore,  directly  across  from  and  within  about  thirty  miles  of  New 
London.  The  reason  of  this  delay  was  to  avoid  appearing  off  New 
London  before  darkness  should  cover  their  approach.  Thus  far  all  had 
apparently  tended  to  the  enemy's  advantage,  but  now  they  miscalculated 
on  the  continuance  of  the  wind  in  their  favor.  Along  the  New  England 
coast  during  the  summer  and  early  autumn — with  a  regularity  almost 
unbroken,  except  by  storms — the  wind,  soon  after  twelve  o'clock  M., 
commences  to  blow  from  the  south  and  west;  this  continues  gradually 
decreasing  in  force  until  at  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when, 
after  a  short  period  of  rest,  (like  the  turning  of  the  tide,)  it  begins  to 
blow  from  the  north  and  west,  in  which  direction  it  continues  until  at 
not  far  from  eleven  A.  M.,  when  it  is  succeeded  by  a  calm,  followed  by 
a  southerly  breeze. 

The  British  officers  calculated  on  this  south  wind  continuing  as  usual, 
so  that  by  availing  themselves  of  it  to  be  able  to  arrive  off  the  town  at 
from  about  midnight  to  an  hour  later.  They  accordingly  weighed  anchor 
at  7  P.  M.,  not  doubting  that  the  five  or  six  miles  an  hour  required  to 
reach  New  London  by  the  appointed  time  would  be  easily  accomplished. 


x  Introduction. 

In  this  they  were  disappointed.  The  south  wind  died  away  and  was 
succeeded  by  that  from  the  north  nearly  two  hours  earlier  than  usual,  so 
that  by  beating  the  fleet  was  just  able  to  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  the  har- 
bor at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning — some  four  or  five  hours  after  it  had  been 
observed  from  the  forts,  and  its  approach  heralded  to  the  startled  country 
by  the  alarm  guns.  As  soon  as  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  enemy  were 
manifest,  Colonel  Ledyard  repaired  to  New  London  and  dispatched  ex- 
presses to  Governor  Trumbull  at  Lebanon,  and  the  various  militia  com- 
manders in  the  neighboring  towns  apprising  them  of  his  danger,  and  so- 
liciting aid  in  making  a  stand  in  defence  of  their  homes  and  the  honor  of 
their  country.  He  then  re-crossed  the  river  to  Fort  Griswold,  and  pre- 
pared, so  far  as  his  limited  means  would  allow,  to  meet  the  storm  which 
he  saw  was  inevitable.  *  We  have  now 

arrived  at  the  point  in  the  history  of  that  eventful  day  at  which  begins 
the  graphic  description  of  its  bloody  scenes  by  participants.  As  it  is  no 
part  of  the  plan  of  this  work  to  give  a  new  version  of  the  battle,  but 
rather  to  preserve  the  old,  these  introductory  remarks  properly  close  here, 
and  give  place  to  the  story  as  related  by  eye-witnesses  and  their  cotem- 
poraries. 


AN   ACCOUNT 


OF    THE 


BURNING  OF  NEW  LONDON, 

ON    THE 

6TH  OF  SEPTEMBER,  1781. 


From  the  Connecticut  Gazette  of  Friday,  September  Jtb. 

AT  about  day-break  on  Thursday  morning  last,  twenty- 
four  sail  of  the  enemy's  shipping  appeared  to  the 
westward  of  this  harbour,  which  by  many  were  supposed 
to  be  a  plundering  party  after  stock. 

Alarm  guns  were  immediately  fired,  but  the  discharge  of 
cannon  in  the  harbour  has  become  so  frequent  of  late  that 
they  answered  little  or  no  purpose.1  The  defenceless  state 
of  the  fortifications  and  town  are  obvious  to  our  readers. 
A  few  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  equipped  advanced 
toward  the  place  where  the  enemy  were  tho't  likely  to  make 
their  landing,  and  manoeuvred  on  the  heights  adjacent,  un- 
til the  enemy,  about  9  o'clk,  landed  in  two  divisions  of 
about  800  men  each,  one  of  them  at  Brown's  farm  near 
the  light-house,  the  other  at  Groton  point.     The  division 

1  During  the  war  the  privateers  which  swarmed  from  New  London 
were  in  the  habit  of  announcing  their  successes  on  their  return  to  port 
by  firing  salutes  from  their  guns.  Colonel  Samuel  McClellan,  of  Wood- 
stock, (great-grandfather  of  General  G.  B.  McClellan,)  who,  after  the 
death  of  Colonel  Ledyard,  assumed  command  of  New  London  harbor 
and  its  defences  soon  after  the  battle,  forbade  the  firing  of  guns  in  the 
harbor,  except  in  hostilities  with  the  enemy. 

2 


2  '  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

that  landed  near  the  light-house  marched  up  the  road,  keep- 
ing out  large  flanking  parties,  who  were  attacked  in  differ- 
ent places  on  their  march  by  the  inhabitants  who  had  spirit 
and  resolution  to  oppose  their  progress;  the  main  body  of 
the  enemy  proceeded  to  the  town  and  set  fire  to  the  stores 
on  the  beach,1  and  immediately  after  to  the  dwelling-houses 
lying  on  the  Mill  Cove.  The  scattered  fire  of  our  little 
parties  unsupported  by  our  neighbours  more  distant  galled 
them,  so  that  they  soon  began  to  retire,  setting  fire  to  stores 
and  dwelling-houses  promiscuously  in  their  way;  the  fire 
from  the  stores  communicated  to  the  shipping  that  lay  at 
the  wharfs,  and  a  number  were  burnt;  others  swung  to  sin- 
gle fasts  and  remained  unburnt.  At  4  o'clk  they  began  to 
quit  the  town  with  great  precipitation,  and  were  pursued  by 
our  brave  citizens  with  the  spirit  of  veterans  and  drove  on 
board  their  boats.  Five  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  about 
20  wounded.  Among  the  latter  is  a  Hessian  captain,  who 
is  a  prisoner,  as  are  seven  others.  We  lost  four  killed  and 
ten  or  twelve  wounded — none  mortal.  The  most  valuable 
part  of  the  town  is  reduced  to  ashes,  and  all  the  stores. 
Fort  Trumbull  not  being  tenable  on  the  land  side,  was 
evacuated  as  the  enemy  advanced,  and  the  few  men  in  it 
crossed  the  river  to  Fort  Griswold,  on  Groton  Hill,  which 
was  soon  after  invested  by  the  division  that  landed  on  the 
point.  The  fort  having  in  it  only  120  men,  chiefly  militia, 
hastily  collected,  who  defended  it  with  the  greatest  resolu- 
tion and  bravery,  and  once  repulsed  the  enemy,  but  the  fort 
being  out  of  repair  could  not  be  defended  by  such  a  hand- 
ful of  men,  th°  brave  and  determined,  against  so  superior 
a  number,  they  did  all  that  men  of  spirit  and  bravery  in 
such  a  situation  could  do;  but  after  having  a  number  of 

1  What  was  then  known  as  "the  beach"  is  now  Water  Street.  It  at 
that  time  was  the  business  part  of  the  town.  On  it  were  the  public  and 
large  private  store-houses. 


Burning  of  New  London.  o 

their  party  killed  and  wounded  they  found  that  further  re- 
sistance would  be  in  vain,  and  resigned  the  fort.  Immedi- 
ately on  their  surrendery  the  valient  Colonel  Ledyard,  whose 
fate  in  a  particular  manner  is  much  lamented,  and  70 
other  officers  and  men  were  murdered,  most  of  them  heads 
.  of  families.  The  enemy  lost  a  Major  Montgomery  and 
forty-one  officers  and  men  in  the  attack,  who  were  found 
near  the  fort;  their  wounded  were  carried  off.  Soon  after 
the  enemy  got  possession  of  the  fort  they  set  fire  to  and 
burnt  a  number  of  dwelling-houses  and  stores  on  Groton 
bank,  and  embarked  about  sunset,  taking  with  them  sundry 
of  the  inhabitants  of  New  London  and  Groton.  A  Colonel 
Ayres,1  who  commanded  the  division,  was  wounded,  and  it 
is  said  died  on  board  the  fleet  the  night  they  embarked. 

About  15  sail  of  vessels  with  effects  of  the  inhabitants 
retreated  up  the  river  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and 
were  saved,  and  four  others  remained  in  the  harbor  unhurt. 
.The  troops  were  commanded  by  that  infamous  traitor  to 
.his  country,  Benedict  Arnold,  who  headed  the  division 
which  proceded  to  the  town.  By  this  calamity  it  is  judged 
that  more  than  one  hundred  families  are  deprived  of  their 
habitations,  and  most  of  them  their  ALL.  This  neighbor- 
hood feel  sensibly  the  loss  of  many  deserving  citizens,  and, 
th°  deceased,  canst  but  be  highly  indebted  to  them  for  their 
spirit  and  bravery  in  their  exertions  and  manly  opposition  to 
the  merciless  enemies  of  our  country  in  their  last  moments. 

From  the  same  Paper  of  September  \\th,  1781. 
The  following  savage  action,  committed  by  the  troops 
who  subdued  Fort  Griswold  on  Groton  hill,  on  Thursday 
,  last,  ought  to  be  accorded  to  their  eternal  infamy: 

Soon  after  the  surrendery  of  the  fort  they  loaded  a  wagon 
with  our  wounded  men,  by  orders  of  their  officers,  and  set 

1  Eyre. 


4  Batth  of  Groton  Heights, 

the  wagon  off  from  the  top  of  the  hill,  which  is  long  and 
very  steep;  the  wagon  went  a  considerable  distance  with 
great  force,  till  it  was  suddenly  stopped  by  a  tree;  the  shock 
was  so  great  to  those  faint  and  bleeding  men  that  part  of 
them  died  instantly;  the  officers  ordered  their  men  to  fire  on 
the  wagon  while  it  was  running.  By  the  best  information 
we  can  get  there  were  six  killed  and  20  wounded  previous 
to  the  enemy's  gaining  possession  of  the  fort.  The  nun> 
ber  of  the  enemy  found  buried  in  Groton  amounts  to  61. 
The  whole  number  of  killed,  including  those  who  have 
since  died  of  their  wounds,  is  said  to  be  82. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  dwelling-houses,  stores,  &c,  in 
New  London  which  were  set  on  fire  by  the  enemy  and  con- 
sumed: 

On  the  north  end  of  Main  Street 

No.  of  Familici. 

Picket  Latimer's  house  and  bam,      -             -  1 

Widow  Plumbe's  house  and  barn,            -  -             2 

Henry  Latimer's  (late)  house,            -             -  1 

Late  Deacon  Green's  house  and  shop,      -  -             4 

Christopher  Prince's  house,  -             -             -  -       1 

James  Pitman's  house,  1 

Daniel  Byrne's  house,           -             -             -  1 

Roswell  Saltonstall's  house  and  cooper's  shop,  -              1 

Joseph  Hurlbut's  house  and  cooper's  shop,     -  r       1 

Widow  Rogers's  house,  1 

Henry  Deshon's  house,         -             -             -  1 

Gen.  Saltonstall's  house,  2  stores,  shop  and  barn,  -  1 

Store  improved  by  Owen  Neil  for  a  house,    -  -       1 

Late  Duncan  Stewart's  house,  2 
Heirs  of  Peter  Harris,  1  store  and  one  barn. 
Joseph  Pack  wood's  store. 

Roger  Gibson's  house,    -             -             -  -             2 

Samuel  and  Richard  Latimer's  house,            -  -       2 


Burning  of  New  London.  5 

No.  of  Familiei. 

Ichabod  Powers's  house,  2 

Peter  Latimer's  house  and  cooper's  shop,        -  -       4 

Widow  Shapley's  house,  1 

Guy  Richards  &  Son,  3  stores  and  slaughter  house. 
John  Hartell's  work-shop. 

On  Beach  Street1 

Widow  Elliot's  house  and  barn,  ?  -  2 

Edward  Hallam  &  Co.,  3  stores  and  barn. 

David  Mumford's  store. 

Roswell  Saltonstall's  distill,  house  and  store. 

do  do      opposite  thereto  1  store  and  a  cooper's 

shop  improv'd  as  a  house,  1 

Store  improv'd  by  John  Springer's  family,      -  -       1 

Thomas  Wilson's  store. 
Shoe-makers  shop. 
Nathaniel  Shaw's  two  stores. 
Joseph  Packwood's  store. 

John  Deshon's  house  and  two  stores,  -  -       1 

Widow  Skinner's  house,  1 

Elijah  Richards's  house,       -  -  -  1 

Widow  Potter's  house,  2 

Barsheba  Smith's  house,        -  -  -  2 

Court  house,  church,  jail,  jail-house,  watch-house  and  bar- 
ber's shop,  -  -  -  -  -       2 

On  the  Bank.1 

Samuel  Bel  den's  store. 

do         do         do    on  the  wharf  improv'd  by  a  family,  1 

1  When  the  enemy,  passing  down  Main  Street,  came  to  Hallam  Street, 
through  which  they  entered  Water  Street,  Arnold  is  said  to  have  ex- 
claimed, pointing  with  his  sword  in  the  direction  of  the  street  with  its 
rich  stores,  "Soldiers,  do  your  duty!" 

2  Now  known  as  Bank  Street. 


6  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

No.  of  Families. 

Widow  Hancock's  two  houses,  2 

Shop  improv'd  by  Thomas  Gardiner. 

John  Erving's  house,  one  store  and  barn, 

Jonathan  Douglass's  house  and  cooper's  shop, 

Daniel  Deshon's  house,        -  -  -  "3 

Widow  Leete's  house,    - 

Charles  Chadwick's  house  and  empty  store,  - 

John  Champlin's  shop. 

James  Thomson's  house  and  barn,    - 

Samuel  Belden's  house  and  barn, 

John  M'Curdy's  house,  2  stores,  and  barn, 

Widow  M'NeiFs  house,  and  shop  opposite, 

Richard  Potter's  house  and  store, 

Widow  Bulk  ley's  two  houses,     - 

Widow  Fosdick's  house  and  barn,    - 

Jonathan  Starr's  work-shop. 

Jere.  Miller's  house,  store,  and  barn, 

Joshua  Starr's  house  and  work-shop, 

do       do       do     and  barn,  - 

Titus  Hurlbut's  2  houses,  2  shops,  and  barn, 
James  Tilley's  house,  rope-walk,  and  barn,    - 
Doct.  Walcott's  house  and  barn, 
Jacob  Fink's  house  and  slaughter  house, 
John  Way's  house  and  cooper  shop, 
Russel  Hubbard's  house,  store,  and  bam,       -  3 

James  Lamphear's  house,  2 

Widow  Short's  house,  -  -  -  "4 

Andrew  Palmes's  house,  2 

Nathan  Douglas's  house,  tan-house,  and  barn,  -       1 

Jere.  Miller's  house  improved  by  W.  Constant,    -  1 

Joseph  Coit's  house  and  two  barns,   -  -  1 

do         do     on  the  wharf,  one  house  and  two  stores,        1 
Nath'l  Shaw's  house,  shop,  and  two  stores,  -  3 


Burning  of  New  London. 
At  the  head  of  Long  Bridge  Cove} 


No.  of  Families. 
1 


Deshon  &  Christopher's  house  and  tan-house, 

A  house  on  Hog  Neck,z     -  -  -  l 

Total,  6$  houses  containing  97  families,  31  stores,  18 
shops,  20  barns,  9  public  and  other  buildings,  besides  a  va- 
riety of  other  small  buildings  of  different  kinds  not  here 
enumerated. 
Total  of  buildings  here  inumerated,        -  -  143 

There  were  burnt  at  Groton  at  the  same  time  1  school- 
house,  4  bams,  2  shops,  2  stores,  and  1 2  dwelling-houses. 


From  the  same  paper  of  September  21  st,  1 781. 

Since  our  last  7  or  8  dead  bodies  of  officers  and  soldiers 
have  drove  ashore  on  the  Great  Neck,  and  3  others  on 
Groton  shore  which  were  thrown  out  of  Arnold's  burning 
fleet.  Our  advices  from  New  York  are,  that  the  enemy 
lost  220  men,  killed  and  dead  of  their  wounds,  in  their 
attack  on  Groton  Fort  and  this  place,  besides  about  70 
deserters. 

The  following  is  the  most  accurate  list  we  have  been 
able  to  collect  of  the  names  of  the  brave  and  worthy  citi- 
zens who  were  murdered  at  Fort  Griswold  Sept.  6,  1 78  - ,  in- 
cluding those  who  have  since  died  of  their  wounds. 

The  whole  number  of  killed  and  those  since  died  of 
their  wounds  is  said  to  be  82.  Should  we  be  able  to  col- 
lect the  names  of  the  others,  they  shall  be  published. 

1  Now  Truman,  Blinman,  and  Coit  Streets. 

2  Howard  Street. 


8 


Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


BELONGING    TO    GROTON. 

Lieut.:Col.  William  Ledyard,  Mess.  Luke  Perkins, 


Mess.  Elijah  Avery,  Capt., 
John  Williams, 
Simeon  Allen, 
Samuel  Allen, 
Amos  Stanton, 
Hubbart  Burrows, 
Nathan  Moor, 
Youngs  Ledyard, 
Joseph  Lewis, 
Henry  Williams, 
Ebenezer  Avery, 
John  Lester, 
John  Stedman, 
Daniel  Avery, 
David  Avery,  Esq., 
Daniel  Chester, 
Solomon  Avery, 
Jasper  Avery, 
Elisha  Avery, 
Thomas  Avery, 
David  Palmer, 
Sylvester  Walworth, 
Philip  Covil, 
Ezekiel  Bailey, 
Jeremiah  Chester, 
Daniel  Seabury, 
Henry  Woodbridge, 
Christopher  Woodbridge, 
Elnathan  Perkins, 


Luke  Perkins,  Jun., 
Elisha  Perkins, 
Asa  Perkins, 
Simeon  Perkins, 
John  Brown, 
John  P.  Babcock, 
Nathaniel  Adams, 
Barney  Kinne, 
Samuel  Hill, 
Nathan  Shales, 
Joseph  Moxley, 
Thomas  Starr,  Jun., 
Nicholas  Starr, 
Moses  Jones, 
Rufus  Hurlbuf, 
Belton  Allen, 
Benadam  Allen, 
Andrew  Billings, 
Simeon  Morgan, 
Patrick  Ward, 
Christopher  Avery, 
Jonas  Lester, 
Edward  Mills, 
Wait  Lester, 
Thomas  Miner, 
Andrew  Baker, 
Solomon  Tift, 
Josiah  Wigger. 


Burning  of  New  London. 


BELONGING    TO    NEW    LONDON. 


Mess.  Peter  Richards, 
James  Comstock, 
Richard  Chapman, 
John  Holt, 
Samuel  Billings, 
John  Clark, 
John  Whittelsey, 


Mess.  Stephen  Whittelsey, 
Eliaday  Jones, 
Jonathan  Butler, 
Wm.  Comstock,  of 

Fort  Trumbull, 
Daniel  Williams, 
William  Bolton. 


BELONGING    TO    STONINGTON. 

Mess.  Enoch  Stanton,  Daniel  Stanton. 

Thomas  Williams, 

BELONGING    TO    PRESTON. 

Mr.  John  Billings. 


BELONGING    TO    LONG    ISLAND. 


Capt.  Ellis, 


Henry  Halsey. 


Negroes. — Lambo  Latham,  Jordan  Freeman. 


NARRATIVE 


OF 


RUFUS    AVERY, 

Containing  an  account  of  the  transactions  at  New  London 
and  Groton,  on  the  6th  September,  1781,  in  his  own 
words. 


1HAD  charge  of  the  garrison  the  night  previous  to  the 
attack.  The  enemy  had  not  yet  appeared  near  us,  nor 
did  we  expect  them  at  this  time  more  than  ever;  but  it  is 
true  "we  know  not  what  shall  be  on  the  morrow."  About 
3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  as  soon  as  daylight  appeared,  so 
as  I  could  look  off,  I  saw  the  fleet  in  the  harbor,  a  little 
distance  below  the  light  house;  it  consisted  of  thirty-two 
in  number,  ships,  brigs,  schooners  and  sloops.  It  may  well 
be  imagined  that  a  shock  of  consternation,  and  a  thrill  of 
dread  apprehension  flashed  over  me.  I  immediately  sent 
for  Captain  William  Latham,  who  was  captain  of  said  fort, 
and  who  was  near  by.  He  came  and  saw  the  fleet,  and 
sent  notice  to  Colonel  Ledyard,  who  was  commander  of 
the  harbor,  and  also  of  Forts  Griswold  and  Trumbull.  He 
ordered  two  large  guns  to  be  loaded  with  heavy  charges  of 
good  powder,  &c.  Captain  William  Latham  took  charge 
of  the  one  which  was  to  be  discharged  from  the  north  east 
part  of  the  fort,  and  I  had  to  attend  the  other,  on  the  west 
side,  and  thus  we  as  speedily  as  possible  prepared  to  give 
alarm  to  the  vicinity,  as  was  to  be  expected  in  case  of  dan- 
ger, two  guns  being  the  specified  signal  for  alarm  in  distress. 
But  a  difficulty  now  arose  from  having  all  our  plans  com- 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  1 1 

municated  by  a  traitor !  The  enemy  understood  our  signal 
was  two  regular  guns,  and  they  fired  a  third,  which  broke 
our  alarm,  and  caused  it  to  signify  good  news  or  a  prize, 
and  thus  it  was  understood  by  our  troops,  and  several  com- 
panies which  were  lying  back  ready  to  come  to  our  assist- 
ance in  case  of  necessity  were  by  this  measure  deterred 
from  coming.  The  reader  may  well  suppose,  though  time 
would  not  permit  us  to  consider,  or  anticipate  long,  yet  the 
sense  of  our  helplessness  without  additional  strength,  and 
arms,  was  dreadful;  but  the  trying  events  of  the  few  com- 
ing hours  we  had  not  known!  Colonel  Ledyard  now  sent 
expresses  from  both  forts,  to  call  on  every  militia  captain  to 
hurry  with  their  companies  to  the  forts.  But  few  came; 
their  excuse  was,  that  it  was  but  a  false  alarm,  or  for  some 
trifling  alarm.  The  enemy's  boats  now  approached  and 
landed  eight  hundred  officers  and  men,  some  horses,  carriages 
and  cannon,  on  the  Groton  side  of  the  river,  about  8  o'clock 
in  the  morning;  and  another  division  on  the  New  London 
side,  below  the  light  house,  consisting  of  about  seven  hun- 
dred officers  and  men.  The  army  on  Groton  banks  was 
divided  into  two  divisions.  Colonel  Ayres  took  command 
of  the  division  south  east  of  the  forts,  consisting  of  about 
half,  sheltering  them  behind  a  ledge  of  rocks,  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty  rods  back.  Major  Montgomery  with 
his  division  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  rods  from  the  fort, 
behind  a  high  hill.  The  army  on  New  London  side  of 
the  river,  had  better  and  more  accommodating  land  to 
march  on  than  that  on  Groton  side.  As  soon  as  their  army 
had  got  opposite  Fort  Trumbull,  they  divided,  and  one  part 
proceeded  to  the  city  of  New  London,  plundered  and  set 
fire  to  the  shipping  and  buildings,  the  rest  marched  down 
to  Fort  Trumbull.  Captain  Adam  Shapley,  who  com- 
manded, seeing  that  he  was  likely  to  be  overpowered  by 
the  enemy,  spiked  his  cannon,  and  embarked  on  board  the 


12  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

boats  which  had  been  prepared  for  him  in  case  of  necessity; 
but  the  enemy  were  so  quick  upon  him,  that  before  he  and 
his  little  handful  of  men  could  get  out  of  the  reach  of 
their  guns,  seven  men  were  badly  wounded  in  the  boats. 
The  remaining  one  reached  Fort  Griswold,  where,  poor  fel- 
lows, they  met  a  mortal  blow. 

Ayres  and  Montgomery  got  their  army  stationed  about 

9  o'clock  in  the  morning.  When  they  appeared  in  sight 
we  threw  a  number  of  shots  among  them,  but  they  would 
immediately  contrive  to  disappear  behind  their  hills.     About 

10  o'clock  they  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  demand  the  surren- 
der of  the  fort.  When  the  flag  was  within  about  forty  rods 
from  the  fort,  we  sent  a  musket  ball  in  front  of  them,  and 
brought  them  to  a  stand.  Colonel  Ledyard  called  a  coun- 
cil of  war,  to  ascertain  the  minds  of  his  officers  and  friends 
about  what  was  best  to  be  done  in  this  momentous  hour, 
when  every  moment  indicated  a  bloody  and  decisive  battle. 
They  all  agreed  in  council  to  send  a  flag  to  them.  They 
did  so,  choosing  Captain  Elijah  Avery,  Captain  Amos  Staun- 
ton,1 and  Captain  John  Williams,  who  went  immediately  to 
meet  the  British  flag  and  receive  their  demand,  which  was 
to  give  up  the  fort  to  them.  The  council  was  then  inquired 
of  what  was  to  be  done?  and  the  answer  returned  to  the 
British  flag  was,  that  "the  fort  would  not  be  given  up  to 
the  British."  The  flag  then  returned  to  their  division  com- 
manded by  Ayres,  but  soon  returned  to  us  again;  when 
about  a  proper  distance  our  flag  met  them  and  attended  to 
their  summons,  and  came  back  to  inform  Colonel  Ledyard, 
that  the  enemy  declared  that  "if  they  were  obliged  to  take 

1  Captain  Staunton,  a  man  of  almost  gigantic  stature  and  herculean 
strength,  on  seeing  the  slaughter  continued  after  the  surrender,  is  said  to 
have  seized  a  heavy  musket  by  the  muzzle,  and  exclaiming  "My  God, 
must  we  die  so!"  sprang  upon  the  platform  on  the  west  side  of  the  fort, 
and  nearly  cleared  it  of  the  enemy  before  he  was  brought  down  by  a 
musket  shot. 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  13 

it  by  storm,  they  should  put  the  Martial  Law  in  full  force," 
that  is,  "what  they  did  not  kill  by  ball  they  should  put  to 
death  by  sword  and  bayonet!"  Colonel  Ledyard  sent  back 
the  decisive  answer,  that  "we  should  not  give  up  the  fort 
to  them,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  would." 

While  these  flags  were  passing  and  repassing,  we  were 
exchanging  shots  with  the  British  at  Fort  Trumbull,  as  they 
had  got  possession  of  it  before  the  battle  commenced  in  ac- 
tion at  Fort  Griswold.  We  could  throw  our  shot  into  Fort 
Trumbull  without  any  difficulty,  but  the  British  could  not 
cause  theirs  to  enter  Fort  Griswold,  because  they  could  not 
aim  high  enough.  They  had  got  possession  and  in  use, 
some  of  our  best  pieces  and  ammunition,  which  were  left 
in  Fort  Trumbull  when  Captain  Shapley  left  it  and  retreated. 
About  11  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  they  perceived 
what  we  were  about  to  do,  they  started  with  both  their  di- 
visions, Colonel  Ayres  advancing  with  his  in  solid  columns. 
As  soon  as  they  reached  the  level  ground,  and  in  a  proper 
range,  we  saluted  them  with  an  eighteen  pounder,  then 
loaded  with  two  bags  of  grape  shot.  Captain  Elias  H. 
Halsey  was  the  one  who  directed  the  guns,  and  took  aim 
at  the  enemy.  He  had  long  practiced  on  board  a  privateer, 
and  manifested  his  skill  at  this  time.  I  was  at  the  gun  with 
others  when  it  was  discharged  into  the  British  ranks,  and  it 
cleared  a  very  wide  space  in  their  solid  columns.  It  has 
been  reported,  by  good  authority,  that  about  twenty  were 
killed  and  wounded  by  that  one  discharge  of  grape  shot. 
As  soon  as  the  column  was  broken  by  loss  of  men  and  of- 
ficers, they  were  seen  to  scatter  and  trail  arms,  coming  on 
with  a  quick  step  towards  the  fort,  inclining  to  the  west. 
We  continued  firing,  but  they  advanced  upon  the  south 
and  west  side  of  the  fort.  Colonel  Ayres  was  mortally 
wounded.  Major  Montgomery  now  advanced  with  his  di- 
vision, coming  on  in  solid  columns,  bearing  around  to  the 


14  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

north,  until  they  got  east  of  the  redoubt  or  battery,  which 
was  east  of  the  fort,  then  marching  with  a  quick  step  into 
the  battery.     Here  we  sent  among  them  large  and  repeated 
charges  of  grape  shot,  which  destroyed  a  number,  as  we 
could   perceive  them  thinned  and    broken.     Then  they 
started  for  the  fort,  a  part  of  them  in  platoons,  discharging 
their  guns;  and  some  of  the  officers  and  men  scattering, 
they  came  around  on  the  east  and  north  side  of  the  fort. 
Here  Major  Montgomery  fell,  near  the  north  east  part  of 
the  fort.     We  might  suppose  the  loss  of  their  commanders 
might  have  dismayed  them,  but  they  had  proceeded  so  far, 
and  the  excitement  and  determination  on  slaughter  was  so 
great,  they  could  not  be  prevented.     As  soon  as  their  army 
had  entirely  surrounded  the  garrison,  a  man  attempted  to 
open  the  gates,  but  he  lost  his  life  in  a  moment  before  he 
could  succeed.     There  was  hard   fighting,  and  shocking 
slaughter,  and  much  blood  spilt  before  another  attempt  was 
made  to  open  the  gates,  which  was  at  this  time  successful; 
for  our  little  number,  which  was  only  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
five,  officers  and  privates,  (the  most  of  them  volunteers,) 
were  by  this  time  overpowered.     There  was  then  no  block 
house  on  the  parade  as  there  is  now,  so  that  the  enemy  had 
every  chance  to  wound  and  kill  every  man.     When  they 
had  overpowered  us  and  driven  us  from  our  station  at  the 
breastwork  into  the  fort,  and  Colonel  Ledyard  saw  how  few 
men  he  had  remaining  to  fight  with,  he  ceased  resistance. 
They  all  left  their  posts  and  went  on  to  the  open  parade  in 
the  fort,  where  the  enemy  had  a  fair  opportunity  to  massacre 
us,  as  there  were  only  six  of  us  to  an  hundred  of  them! 
This,  this  was  a  moment  of  indescribable  misery!     We  can 
fight  with  good  hearts  while  hope  and  prospects  of  victory 
aid  us;  but,  after  we  have  fought  and  bled,  and  availed 
nothing,  to  yield  to  be  massacred  by  the  boasting  enemy, 
"tries  men's  hearts !"     Our  ground  was  drenched  with  human 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  15 

gore;  our  wounded  and  dying  could  not  have  any  attend- 
ance, while  each  man  was  almost  hopeless  of  his  own  pres- 
ervation; but  our  country's  danger  caused  the  most  acute 
anxiety.  Now  I  saw  the  enemy  mount  the  parapets  like 
so  many  madmen,  all  at  once  seemingly.  They  swung 
their  hats  around,  and  then  discharged  their  guns  into  the 
fort,  and  then  those  who  had  not  fallen  by  ball  they  began 
to  massacre  with  sword  and  bayonet.  I  was  on  the  west 
side  of  the  fort,  with  Captain  Edward  Latham  and  Mr.  C. 
Latham,  standing  on  the  platform,  and  had  a  full  view  of 
the  enemy's  conduct.  I  had  then  a  hole  through  my  clothes 
by  a  ball,  and  a  bayonet  rent  through  my  coat  to  my  flesh. 
The  enemy  approached  us,  knocked  down  the  two  men  I 
mentioned,  with  the  britch  of  their  guns,  and  I  expected 
had  ended  their  lives,  but  they  did  not.  By  this  time  that 
division  which  had  been  commanded  by  Montgomery,  now 
under  charge  of  Bloomfield,  unbolted  the  other  gates, 
marched  into  the  fort  and  formed  into  a  solid  column.  I 
at  this  moment  left  my  station  and  went  across  the  parade, 
towards  the  south  end  of  the  barracks.  I  noticed  Colonel 
William  Ledyard  on  the  parade  stepping  towards  the  enemy 
and  Bloomfield,  gently  raising  and  lowering  his  sword  as  a 
token  of  bowing  and  submission;  he  was  about  six  feet 
from  them  when  I  turned  my  eyes  off  from  him,  and  went 
up  to  the  door  of  the  barracks  and  looked  at  the  enemy 
who  were  discharging  their  guns  through  the  windows.  It 
was  but  a  moment  that  I  had  turned  my  eyes  from  Colonel 
Ledyard  and  saw  him  alive,  and  now  I  saw  him  weltering 
in  his  gore!1     Oh  the  hellish  spite  and  madness  of  a  man 

1  The  chivalrous  Ledyard  seems  to  have  felt  a  premonition  of  impend- 
ing calamity  from  the  beginning.  On  stepping  into  the  boat  to  cross 
from  New  London  on  the  morning,  he  remarked  to  friends  gathered 
about  him,  "If  I  have  this  day  to  lose  either  life  or  honor,  you  who 
know  me  best  know  which  it  will  be." 


16  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

that  will  murder  a  reasonable  and  noble-hearted  officer  in 
the  act  of  submitting  and  surrendering!  I  can  assure  my 
countrymen  that  I  felt  the  thrill  of  such  a  horrid  deed, 
more  than  the  honorable  and  martial-like  war  of  months! 
We  are  informed  that  the  wretch,  who  murdered  him  ex- 
claimed, as  he  came  near,  "Who  commands  this  fort?" 
Ledyard  handsomely  replied,  "I  did,  but  you  do  now;"  at 
the  same  moment  handing  him  his  sword,  which  the  un- 
feeling villian  buried  in  his  breast.1     The  column  continued 

1  Since  this  transaction  there  has  ever  existed  in  the  public  mind  great 
uncertainty  as  to  who  was  the  murderer  of  Colonel  Ledyard,  the  odium 
being  divided  between  Major  Bromfield,  who  succeeded  Major  Mont- 
gomery in  command  of  the  British  troops  on  that  occasion,  and  Captain 
Beckwith,  of  the  54th  regiment.  No  person  who  actually  witnessed  the 
deed  survived  the  battle,  or  if  any  did  they  left  no  account  of  it  behind 
them,  and  therefore  the  version  of  the  manner  of  Ledyard's  death,  com- 
monly received  as  the  correct  one,  is  but  merely  a  conjecture  at  the  most. 
By  this,  the  deed  is  ascribed  to  the  officer  who  received  Ledyard's  surren- 
der of  the  fort,  supposed  by  the  greater  number  to  have  been  Major 
Bromfield;  others  at  the  time,  and  for  a  long  time  subsequent,  laid  the 
infamous  transaction  to  the  charge  of  Captain  Beckwith,  supposing  him 
to  have  been  the  officer  who  met  Ledyard  and  demanded  the  surrender. 

Let  us  consider  the  matter  a  little,  and  see  if  we  be  able  to  reconcile 
the  known  facts  and  strong  probabilities  in  the  case  with  this  generally 
received  opinion.  Upon  the  entry  of  the  British  officer  to  the  fort,  and 
at  his  demand  of  who  commanded  it,  Colonel  Ledyard  advanced  to  an- 
swer "I  did,"  &c,  at  the  same  time  tendering  him  the  hilt  of  his  sword 
in  token  of  submission.  It  is  obvious  that  in  this  action  Colonel  Ledyard 
must  have  presented  the  front  of  his  person  to  that  officer.  Now  had 
the  latter,  in  taking  the  surrendered  sword,  instantly  (as  all  accounts 
charge  him  with  having  done)  plunged  it  into  him,  is  it  not  also  evident 
that  it  must  have  entered  in  front  and  passed  out  of  the  back  of  his  per- 
son? The  vest  and  shirt  worn  that  day  by  Colonel  Ledyard,  preserved 
in  the  Wadsworth  Athenaeum  at  Hartford,  upon  examination  reveal  two 
rough,  jagged  openings,  one  on  either  side,  a  little  before  and  in  a  line 
with  the  lower  edge  of  the  arm-holes  of  the  vest.  The  larger  of  these 
apertures  is  upon  the  left  side;  the  difference  in  size  between  it  and  that 
on  the  right  corresponds  with  the  taper  of  a  sabre  blade  from  hilt  to 
point,  showing  conclusively  that  the  weapon  entered  from  the  left  and 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  17 

marching  towards  the  south  end  of  the  parade,  and  I  could 
do  no  better  than  to  go  across  the  parade  before  them  amid 

passed  out  at  the  right,  and  that  the  person  by  whom  the  wound  was  in- 
flicted must  have  stood  upon  the  left  side  of  the  wearer  when  the  plunge 
was  made.  These  holes  are  marked — that  on  the  left,  as  "where  the 
sword  entered,"  and  that  on  the  right,  as  "where  the  sword  came  out" 
— so  marked,  doubtless,  by  the  person  who  presented  these  memorials  to 
the  society,  a  near  relative  of  Colonel  Ledyard,  and  who  considered  them 
as  the  marks  of  the  fatal  wound.  These  are  the  only  marks  visible  upon 
the  garment.  It  is  a  reasonable  supposition  that  when  the  British  officer 
entered  and  thundered  his  demand,  he  carried  his  drawn  sword  in  his 
right  hand,  for  we  can  scarcely  imagine  an  officer  rushing  unarmed  into 
a  place  of  such  danger  and  demanding  a  surrender.  Now  in  case  he 
did  so  carry  his  sword,  he  must  necessarily  either  have  sheathed,  dropped, 
or  changed  it  to  his  left  hand,  in  order  to  receive  Ledyard's  with  the 
right ;  and  this  hardly  seems  possible.  We  must  therefore  suppose  that 
he  received  it  in  his  left  hand;  and  if  so,  does  it  not  appear  as  most  un- 
reasonable that  having  a  sword  in  either  hand,  he  would  have  used  that 
in  his  left  with  which  to  make  the  thrust?  yet  he  must  have  done  so  if 
it  was  by  his  own  sword  that  Ledyard  met  his  death.  Neither  does  it 
appear  possible  that  in  the  heat  and  excitement  of  the  engagement — 
coolly  calculating  the  chances — he  would  have  passed  around  to  the  left 
of  his  victim  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  wound  more  surely  fatal — 
the  only  reason  for  which  we  can  suppose  it  to  have  been  done. 

We  have  seen  from  the  position  occupied  by  the  parties  that  the 
wound,  if  inflicted  instantly  on  the  surrender  of  the  sword,  must  have 
been  given  in  front — the  marks  in  the  vest  conclusively  prove  it  to  have 
been  given  in  the  left  side.  We  have  seen  the  awkward  position  of  the 
officer  with  his  own  sword  in  his  right  and  Ledyard's  in  his  left  hand — a 
situation  almost  precluding  the  idea  of  his  making  the  stab  with  the  latter. 
We  have  also  seen  that  no  person  who  witnessed  it  left  any  testimony 
regarding  the  affair,  and  that  all  that  the  commonly  received  version  of 
it  is  based  upon  is  really  but  the  surmises  of  a  people  wrought  almost  to 
desperation  by  their  losses  and  wrongs,  who  in  the  first  moments  of  ex- 
asperation would  naturally  attribute  an  act  of  such  enormity  to  the  com- 
mander as  the  representative  of  the  enemy.  Now  after  considering  all 
these  facts  and  probabilities,  is  it  not  a  more  rational  conclusion  that  the 
wound  was  given  by  a  bystanding  officer — a  subaltern  or  aid  perhaps — 
than  that  it  was  inflicted  by  the  officer  to  whom  Ledyard  offered  his 
sword?     It  certainly  so  appears  to  us.     But  in  case  that,  despite  all  these 

4 


18  Battle  of  Grot  on  Heights. 

their  fire.  They  discharged  three  platoons  as  I  crossed  be- 
fore them  at  this  time.  I  believe  there  were  not  less  than 
five  or  six  hundred  of  the  British  on  the  parade  and  in  the 
fort.  They  killed  and  wounded  every  man  they  possibly 
could,  and  it  was  all  done  in  less  than  two  minutes!  I  had 
nothing  to  expect  but  to  drop  with  the  rest;  one  mad  look- 
ing fellow  put  his  bayonet  to  my  side,  swearing  "by  Jesus 
he  would  skipper  me!"  I  looked  him  earnestly  in  the  face 
and  eyes,  and  begged  him  to  have  mercy  and  spare  my 


reasons  for  believing  that  officer  innocent  of  the  crime,  he  was  really 
guilty,  of  the  two  to  whom  it  has  been  charged,  against  but  one  is  there 
any  evidence  to  sustain  the  charge,  and  this  is  purely  circumstantial.  Cap- 
tain Beckwith  acted  as  aid  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre  on  the  day  of  the 
battle,  and  was  the  officer  sent  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  He, 
with  Lord  Dalrymple,  was  sent  by  Arnold  as  bearer  of  dispatches  to  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  in  all  probability  furnished  the  account  of  the 
battle  for  Rivington's  Gazette,  which  appeared  in  that  paper  before  the 
remainder  of  the  expedition  had  reached  New  York.  In  this  account, 
in  which  the  details  of  the  conference  regarding  the  surrender  are  given 
with  a  minuteness  with  which  only  an  eye-witness  could  give  them,  per- 
sonal malice  toward  Colonel  Ledyard  is  a  salient  feature,  which  the  most 
unobservant  reader  can  not  fail  to  notice.  The  writer  appears  to  have 
considered  the  flag,  and  the  officers  bearing  it,  insulted  in  the  conference ; 
and  in  his  references  to  the  garrison,  and  to  Colonel  Ledyard  in  particu- 
lar, he  expresses  himself  in  the  most  contemptuous  and  bitter  terms. 

If  he  was  the  officer  to  whom  the  surrender  was  made,  it  is  possible 
that  on  beholding  the  man  who  he  fancied  had  insulted  him,  he  allowed 
his  rage  to  supplant  his  manhood,  and,  forgetting  his  military  honor, 
plunged  his  sword  into  his  vanquished  enemy.  From  Miss  Caulkins'  His- 
tory of  New  London  we  learn  that  he  afterward  passed  through  New 
York  on  his  way  to  Barbadoes.  While  there  he  was  charged  by  the 
newspapers  of  that  city  with  the  murder,  which  he  indignantly  denied. 
A  correspondence  was  opened  between  him  and  a  relative  of  Colonel 
Ledyard  in  reference  to  the  question,  when  he  produced  documents  which 
exculpated  him.  In  view  of  this,  however,  as  between  him  and  Major 
Bromfield,  circumstantial  evidence  is  strongly  in  favor  of  the  latter,  who 
doubtless  could  have  furnished  as  full  documentary  proof  of  his  innocence 
had  he  been  called  upon  for  it. 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  19 

life!  I  must  say  I  believe  God  prevented  him  from  killing 
me,  for  he  put  his  bayonet  three  times  into  me,  and  I  seemed 
to  be  in  his  power,  as  well  as  Lieutenant  Enoch  Staunton, 
who  was  stabbed  to  the  heart  and  fell  at  my  feet  at  this 
time.  I  think  no  scene  ever  exceeded  this  for  continued 
and  barbarous  massacre  after  surrender.  There  were  two 
large  doors  to  the  magazine,  which  made  a  space  wide 
enough  to  admit  ten  men  to  stand  in  one  rank.  There 
marched  up  a  platoon  of  ten  men  just  by  where  I  stood, 
and  at  once  discharged  their  guns  into  the  magazine  among 
our  killed  and  wounded,  and  also  among  those  who  had 
escaped  uninjured,  and  as  soon  as  these  had  fired  another 
platoon  was  ready,  and  immediately  took  their  place  when 
they  fell  back.  At  this  moment  Bloomfield  came  swiftly 
around  the  comer  of  the  building,  and  raising  his  sword 
with  exceeding  quickness  exclaimed,  "stop  firing,  or  you 
will  send  us  all  to  hell  together!"  I  was  very  near  him 
when  he  spoke.  He  knew  there  must  be  much  powder 
deposited  and  scattered  about  the  magazine,  and  if  they 
continued  throwing  in  fire  we  should  all  be  blown  up.  I 
think  it  must,  before  this,  have  been  the  case,  had  not  the 
ground  and  every  thing  been  wet  with  human  blood.  We 
trod  in  blood!  We  trampled  under  feet  the  limbs  of  our 
countrymen,  our  neighbors  and  dear  kindred.  Our  ears 
were  filled  with  the  groans  of  the  dying,  when  the  more 
stunning  sound  of  the  artillery  wTould  give  place  to  the 
death  shrieks.  After  this  they  ceased  killing  and  went  to 
stripping,  not  only  the  dead,  but  the  wounded  and  those 
who  were  not  wounded.  They  then  ordered  us  all  who 
were  able  to  march,  to  the  northeast  part  of  the  parade, 
and  those  who  could  walk  to  help  those  who  were  wounded 
so  bad  as  not  to  go  of  themselves.  Mr.  Samuel  Edgcomb, 
Jr.,  and  myself  were  ordered  to  carry  out  Ensign  Charles 
E]dridge,  who  was  shot  through  the  knee  joints;  he  was  a 


20  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

very  large,  heavy  man,  and  with  our  fasting  and  violent 
exercise  of  the  day,  we  were  but  ill  able  to  do  it,  or  more 
than. to  sustain  our  own  weight;   but  we  had  to  submit. 
We  with  all  the  prisoners  were  taken  out  upon  the  parade, 
about  two  rods  from  the  fort,  and  ordered  to  sit  down  im- 
mediately, or  they  would  put  their  bayonets  into  us.     The 
battle  was  now  ended.     It  was  about  1  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, and  since  the  hour  of  eight  in  the  morning,  what  a 
scene  of  carnage,  of  anxiety,  and  of  loss  had  we  experi- 
enced.    The  enemy  now  began  to  take  care  of  their  dead 
and  wounded.     They  took  off  six  of  the  outer  doors  ot 
the  barracks,  and  with  four  men  at  each  door,  they  brought 
in  one  man  at  a  time.     There  were  twenty-four  men  thus 
employed  for  two  hours,  as  fast  as  they  could  walk.     They 
deposited  them  on  the  west  side  of  the  parade,  in  the  fort, 
where  it  was  the  most  comfortable  place,  and  screened  from 
the  hot  sun  which  was  pouring  down  upon  us,  aggravating 
our  wounds,  and  causing  many  to  faint  and  die  who  might 
have  lived  with  good  care.     By  my  side  lay  two  most 
worthy  and  excellent  officers,  Captain  Youngs  Ledyard 
and  Captain  N.  Moore,  in  the  agonies  of  death.     Their 
heads  rested  on  my  thighs  as  I  sat  or  lay  there.     They  had 
their  reason  well  and  spoke.     They  asked  for  water.     I 
could  give  them  none,  as  I  was  to  be  thrust  through  if  I 
got  up.     I  asked  the  enemy,  who  were  passing  by  us,  to 
give  us  some  water  for  my  dying  friends  and  for  myself. 
As  the  well  was  near  they  granted  this  request;  but  even 
then  I  feared  they  would  put  something  poison  into  it,  that 
they  might  get  us  out  of  the  way  the  sooner;  and  they  had 
said  repeatedly  that  the  last  of  us  should  die  before  the 
sun  set!     Oh  what  revenge  and  inhumanity  pervaded  their 
steeled  hearts!     They  effected  what  was  threatened  in  the 
summons,  sent  by  the  flag  in  the  morning,  to  Colonel  Led- 
yard, "That  those  who  were  not  killed  by  the  musket 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  21 

should  be  by  the  sword,"  &c.  But  1  must  think  they  be- 
came tired  of  human  butchery,  and  so  let  us  live.  They 
kept  us  the  ground,  the  garrison  charged,  till  about  two 
hours  had  been  spent  in  taking  care  of  their  men,  and  then 
came  and  ordered  every  man  of  us  that  could  walk  to  "rise 
up."  Sentries  were  placed  around  with  guns  loaded  and 
bayonets  fixed,  and  orders  given  that  every  one  who  would 
not,  in  a  moment,  obey  commands,  should  be  shot  dead  or 
run  through !  I  had  to  leave  the  two  dying  men  who  were 
resting  on  me,  dropping  their  heads  on  the  cold  and  hard 
ground,  giving  them  one  last  and  pitying  look.  Oh  God, 
this  was  hard  work.  They  both  died  that  night.  We 
marched  down  to  the  bank  of  the  river  so  as  to  be  ready 
to  embark  on  board  the  British  vessels.  There  were  about 
thirty  of  us  surrounded  by  sentries.  Captain  Bloomfield 
then  came  and  took  down  the  names  of  the  prisoners  who 
were  able  to  march  down  with  us.  Where  I  sat  I  had  a 
fair  view  of  their  movements.  They  were  setting  fire  to 
the  buildings^and  bringing  the  plunder  and  laying  it  down 
near  us^/ The  sun  was  about  half  an  hour  high.  I  can 
never  forget  the  whole  appearance  of  all  about  me.  New 
London  was  in  flames.  The  inhabitants  deserted  their  hab- 
itations to  save  life,  which  was  more  highly  prized.  Above 
and  around  us  were  our  unburied  dead  and  our  dying 
friends.  None  to  appeal  to  for  sustenance  in  our  exhausted 
state  but  a  maddened  enemy — not  allowed  to  move  a  step 
or  make  any  resistance,  but  with  loss  of  life — and  sitting  to 
see  the  property  of  our  neighbors  consumed  by  fire,  or  the 
spoils  of  a  triumphing  enemy! 

Reader,  but  little  can  be  described,  while  much  is  felt. 
There  were  still  remaining,  near  the  fort,  a  great  number  of 
the  British  who  were  getting  ready  to  leave.  They  loaded 
up  our  large  ammunition  wagon  that  belonged  to  the  fort 
with  the  wounded  men  that  could  not  walk,  and  about 


22  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

twenty  of  the  enemy  drew  it  from  the  fort  to  the  brow  of 
the  hill  which  leads  down  to  the  river.  The  declivity  is 
very  steep  for  the  distance  of  thirty  rods  to  the  river.  As 
soon  as  the  wagon  began  to  move  down  the  hill,  it  pressed 
so  hard  against  them  that  they  found  they  were  unable  to 
hold  it  back,  and  jumped  away  from  it  as  quick  as  possible, 
leaving  it  to  thrash  along  down  the  hill  with  great  speed, 
till  the  shafts  struck  a  large  apple-tree  stump  with  a  most 
violent  crash,  hurting  the  poor  dying  and  wounded  men  in 
it  in  a  mest  inhuman  manner.  Some  of  the  wounded  fell 
out  and  fainted  away;  then  a  part  of  the  company  where 
I  sat  ran  and  brought  the  men  and  the  wagon  along.  They 
by  some  means  got  the  prisoners  who  were  wounded  badly, 
into  a  house  near  by,  belonging  to  Ensign  Ebenezer  Avery, 
who  was  one  of  the  wounded  in  the  wagon.  Before  the 
prisoners  were  brought  to  the  house  the  soldiers  had  set  fire 
to  it,  but  others  put  it  out,  and  made  use  of  it  for  this  pur- 
pose. Captain  Bloomfield  paroled,  to  be  left  at  home  here, 
these  wounded  prisoners,  and  took  Ebenezer  Ledyard,  Esq., 
as  hostage  for  them,  to  see  them  forthcoming  when  called 
for.  Now  the  boats  had  come  for  us  who  could  go  on 
board  the  fleet.  The  officer  spoke  with  a  doleful  and  me- 
nacing tone,  "Come,  you  rebels,  go  on  board."  This  was 
a  consummation  of  all  I  had  seen  or  endured  through  the 
day.  This  wounded  my  feelings  in  a  thrilling  manner. 
After  all  my  sufferings  and  toil,  to  add  the  pang  of  leaving 
my  native  land,  my  wife,  my  good  neighbors,  and  probably 
to  suffer  still  more  with  cold  and  hunger,  for  already  I  had 
learned  that  I  was  with  a  cruel  enemy.  But  I  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  higher  power,  over  which  no  human  being  could 
hold  superior  control,  and  by  God's  preservation  I  am  still 
alive,  through  all  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  the  war, 
while  almost  every  one  about  me,  who  shared  the  same, 
has  met  either  a  natural  or  an  unnatural  death.     When  we, 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  23 

the  prisoners,  went  down  to  the  shore  to  the  boats,  they 
would  not  bring  them  near,  but  kept  them  off  where  the 
water  was  knee  deep  to  us,  obliging  us,  weak  and  worn  as 
we  were,  to  wade  to  them.  We  were  marched  down  in 
two  ranks,  one  on  each  side  of  the  boat.  The  officer  spoke 
very  harshly  to  us,  to  "get  aboard  immediately."  They 
rowed  us  down  to  an  armed  sloop,  commanded  by  one  Cap- 
tain Thomas,  as  they  called  him,  a  refugee  tory,  and  he 
lay  with  his  vessel  within  the  fleet.  As  soon  as  we  were  on 
board  they  hurried  us  down  into  the  hold  of  the  sloop, 
where  were  their  fires  for  cooking,  and  besides  being  very 
hot,  it  was  filled  with  smoke.  The  hatch-way  was  closed 
tight,  so  that  we  were  near  suffocating  for  want  of  air  to 
breathe.  We  begged  them  to  spare  our  lives,  so  they  gave 
us  some  relief*  by  opening  the  hatch-way  and  permitting  us 
to  come  upon  deck  by  two  or  three  at  a  time,  but  not  with- 
out sentries  watching  us  with  gun  and  bayonet.  We  were 
now  extremely  exhausted  and  faint  for  want  of  food,  when, 
after  being  on  board  twenty-four  hours,  they  gave  us  a  mess 
of  hogs'  brains — the  hogs  which  they  took  on  Groton  banks 
when  they  plundered  there.  After  being  on  board  Thom- 
as's sloop  nearly  three  days,  with  nothing  to  eat  or  drink 
that  we  could  swallow,  we  began  to  feel  as  if  a  struggle 
must  be  made,  in  some  way,  to  prolong  our  existence, 
which,  after  all  our  escapes,  seemed  still  to  be  depending. 
In  such  a  time  we  can  know  for  a  reality  how  strong  is  the 
love  of  life.  In  the  room  where  we  were  confined  were  a 
great  many  weapons  of  war,  and  some  of  the  prisoners 
whispered  that  we  might  make  a  prize  of  the  sloop.  This 
in  some  way  was  overheard,  and  got  to  the  officer's  ears, 
and  now  we  were  immediately  put  in  a  stronger  place  in 
the  hold  of  the  vessel;  and  they  appeared  so  enraged  that 
I  was  almost  sure  we  should  share  a  decisive  fate,  or  suffer 
severely.     Soon  they  commenced  calling  us,  one  by  one, 


24  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

on  deck.     As  I  went  up  they  seized  me,  tied  my  hands 
behind  me  with  a  strong  rope-yarn,  and  drew  it  so  tight 
that  my  shoulder-bones  cracked,  and  almost  touched  each 
other.     Then  a  boat  came  from  a  fourteen-gun  brig,  com- 
manded by  one  Steele.     Into  this  boat  I  was  ordered  to 
get,  without  the  use  of  my  hands,  over  the  sloop's  bulwarks, 
which  were  all  of  three  feet  high,  and  then  from  these  I 
had  to  fall,  or  throw  myself  into  the  boat.     My  distress  of 
body  and  agitated  feelings  I  can  not  describe;  and  no  relief 
could  be  anticipated,  but  only  forebodings  of  a  more  severe 
fate.     A  prisoner  with  an  enemy,  an  enraged  and  revenge- 
ful enemy,  is  a  place  where  I  pray  my  reader  may  never 
come.     They  made  us  all  lie  down  under  the  seats  on 
which  the  man  sat  to  row,  and  so  we  were  conveyed  to  the 
brig;  going  on  board,  we  were  ordered  to  stand  in  one  rank 
by  the  gunwale,  and  in  front  of  us  was  placed  a  spar  within 
about  a  foot  of  each  man.     Here  we  stood,  with  a  sentry 
to  each  of  us,  having  orders  to  shoot  or  bayonet  us  if  we 
attempted  to  stir  out  of  our  place.     All  this  time  we  had 
nothing  to  eat  or  drink,  and  it  rained  and  was  very  cold. 
We  were  detained  in  this  position  about  two  hours,  when 
we  had  liberty  to  go  about  the  main  deck.     Night  ap- 
proached, and  we  had  no  supper,  nor  any  thing  to  lie  upon 
but  the  wet  deck.     We  were  on  board  this  brig  about  four 
days,  and  then  were  removed  on  board  a  ship  commanded 
by  Captain  Scott,  who  was  very  kind  to  the  prisoners.     He 
took  me  on  to  the  quarter-deck  with  him,  and  appeared  to 
have  the  heart  of  a  man.     I  should  think  he  was  about 
sixty  years  of  age.     I  remained  with  him  until  I  was  ex- 
changed.    Captain  Nathaniel  Shaw  came  down  to  New 
York  with  the  American  flag,  after  me  and  four  others, 
who  were  prisoners  with  me,  and  belonged  to  Fort  Gris- 
wold,  and  who  were  brave  and  fine  young  men.     General 
Mifflin  went  with  the  British  flag  to  meet  this  American 


Narrative  of  Rufus  Avery.  25 

flag.  I  sailed  with  him  about  twenty  miles.  He  asked 
me  many  questions,  all  of  which  I  took  caution  how  I  an- 
swered, and  gave  him  no  information.  I  told  him  I  was 
very  sorry  that  he  should  come  to  destroy  so  many,  many 
brave  men,  bum  their  property,  distress  so  many  families, 
and  make  such  desolation.  I  did  not  think  they  could  be 
said  to  be  honorable  in  so  doing.  He  said  "we  might 
thank  our  own  countrymen  for  it."  I  told  him  I  had  no 
thanks  for  him.  I  then  asked  the  general  if  I  might  ask 
him  a  few  questions.  "As  many  as  you  please."  I  asked 
him  how  many  of  the  army  who  made  the  attack  upon 
New  London  and  Groton  were  missing.  As  you,  sir,  are 
the  commissary  of  the  British  army,  I  suppose  you  can  tell. 
He  replied,  "that  by  the  returns  there  were  two  hundred 
and  twenty  odd  missing,  but  what  had  become  of  them  he 
knew  not."  We  advanced,  and  the  flags  met,  and  I  was 
exchanged  and  permitted  to  return  home.  Here  I  close 
my  narrative;  for,  as  I  was  requested,  I  have  given  a  par- 
ticular and  unexaggerated  account  of  that  which  I  saw 
with  mine  own  eyes. 

RUFUS  AVERY, 
Orderly  Sergeant  under  Captain  William  Latham. 


NARRATIVE 


OF 


STEPHEN    HEMPSTEAD. 


ON  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  September,  1781,  twen- 
ty-four sail  of  the  enemy's  shipping  appeared  to  the 
westward  of  New  London  harbor.  The  enemy  landed  in 
two  divisions,  of  about  800  men  each,  commanded  by  that 
infamous  traitor  to  his  country,  Benedict  Arnold,  who 
headed  the  division  that  landed  on  the  New  London  side, 
near  Brown's  farms;  the  other  division,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Ayres,  landed  on  Groton  Point,  nearly  opposite.  I 
was  first  sergeant  of  Captain  Adam  Shapley's  company  of 
state  troops,  and  was  stationed  with  him  at  the  time,  with 
about  twenty-three  men,  at  Fort  Trumbull,  on  the  New 
London  side.  This  was  a  mere  breast-work  or  water  bat- 
tery, open  from  behind,  and  the  enemy  coming  on  us  from 
that  quarter,  we  spiked  our  cannon,  and  commenced  a  re- 
treat across  the  river  to  Fort  Griswold  in  three  boats.  The 
enemy  was  so  near  that  they  over-shot  us  with  their  mus- 
kets, and  succeeded  in  capturing  one  boat  with  six  men 
commanded  by  Josiah  Smith,  a  private.  They  afterwards 
proceeded  to  New  London  and  burnt  the  town.  We  were 
received  by  the  garrison  with  enthusiasm,  being  considered 
experienced  artillerists,  whom  they  much  needed,  and  we 
were  immediately  assigned  to  our  stations.  The  fort  was 
an  oblong  square,  with  bastions  at  opposite  angles,  its  long- 


Narrative  of  Stephen  Hempstead,  27 

est  side  fronting  the  river  in  a  north-west  and  south-east  di- 
rection. Its  walls  were  of  stone,  and  were  ten  or  twelve 
feet  high  on  the  lower  side,  and  surrounded  by  a  ditch. 
On  the  wall  were  pickets,  projecting  over  twelve  feet;  above 
this  was  a  parapet  with  embrasures,  and  within  a  platform 
for  the  cannon,  and  a  step  to  mount  upon  to  shoot  over  the 
parapet  with  small  arms.  In  the  south-west  bastion  was  a 
flag-staff,  and  in  the  side,  near  the  opposite  angle,  was  the 
gate,  in  front  of  which  was  a  triangular  breast-work  to  pro- 
tect the  gate;  and  to  the  right  of  this  was  a  redoubt,  with 
a  three-pounder  in  it,  which  was  about  120  yards  from  the 
gate.  Between  the  fort  and  the  river  was  another  battery, 
with  a  covered  way,  but  which  could  not  be  used  in  this 
attack,  as  the  enemy  appeared  in  a  different  quarter.  The 
garrison,  with  the  volunteers,  consisted  of  about  160  men. 
Soon  after  our  arrival  the  enemy  appeared  in  force  in  some 
woods  about  half  a  mile  southeast  of  the  fort,  from  whence 
they  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  which  was  met  by  Captain  Shap- 
ley,  demanding  an  unconditional  surrender,  threatening  at 
the  same  time,  to  storm  the  fort  instantly  if  the  terms  were 
not  accepted.1  A  council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  the 
unanimous  voice,  that  the  garrison  were  unable  to  defend 
themselves  against  so  superior  a  force.  But  a  militia  colo- 
nel who  was  then  in  the  fort,  and  had  a  body  of  men  in 
the  immediate  vicinity,  said  he  would  reinforce  them  with 
2  or  300  men  in  fifteen  minutes,  if  they  would  hold  out; 
Colonel  Ledyard  agreed  to  send  back  a  defiance,  upon  the 
most  solemn  assurance   of  immediate  succour.     For  this 

purpose  Colonel  started,  his  men  being  then  in 

sight;  but  he  was  no  more  seen,  nor  did  he  even  attempt 

1  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre  formed  his  men  behind  the  ledge  of  rocks 
which  forms  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  burial-ground.  Major  Mont- 
gomery's column  formed  in  the  rear  of  a  hillock,  a  short  distance  north- 
cast  of  that  point. 


28  Battle  of  Grot  on  Heights. 

a  diversion  in  our  favor.  When  the  answer  to  their  demand 
had  been  returned  by  Captain  Shapley,  the  enemy  were 
soon  in  motion,  and  marched  with  great  rapidity,  in  a  solid 
column,  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  fort,  where  divid- 
ing the  column,  they  rushed  furiously  and  simultaneously 
to  the  assault  of  the  southwest  bastion  and  the  opposite 
sides.  They  were,  however,  repulsed  with  great  slaughter, 
their  commander  mortally  wounded,  and  Major  Montgom- 
ery, next  in  rank,  killed,  having  been  thrust  through  the 
body,  whilst  in  the  act  of  scaling  the  walls  at  the  south-west 
bastion,  by  Captain  Shapley.  The  command  then  devolved 
on  Colonel  Beckwith,  a  refugee  from  New  Jersey,  who 
commanded  a  corps  of  that  description.  The  enemy  rallied 
and  returned  the  attack  with  great  vigor,  but  were  received 
and  repulsed  with  equal  firmness.  During  the  attack  a 
shot  cut  the  halyards  of  the  flag,  and  it  fell  to  the  ground, 
but  was  instantly  remounted  on  a  pike  pole.  This  accident 
proved  fatal  to  us,  as  the  enemy,  supposed  it  had  been 
struck  by  its  defenders,  rallied  again,  and  rushing  with  re- 
doubled impetuosity,  carried  the  south-west  bastion  by 
storm.  Until  this  moment  our  loss  was  trifling  in  number, 
being  six  or  seven  killed,  and  eighteen  or  twenty  wounded. 
Never  was  a  post  more  bravely  defended,  nor  a  garrison 
more  barbarously  butchered.  We  fought  with  all  kinds  of 
weapons,  and  at  all  places,  with  a  courage  that  deserved  a 
better  fate.1     Many  of  the  enemy  were  killed  under  the 

1  John  Daboll,  one  of  the  garrison,  discharged  his  musket  no  less  than 
seven  times  at  one  particular  soldier,  who  also  seems  to  have  singled  him 
out  as  his  opponent.  The  singular  duel  was  terminated  by  the  eighth 
shot  from  the  enemy  carrying  away  the  lock  of  Daboll's  musket,  and  se- 
verely wounding  him  in  the  head.  This  incident  was  related  to  the 
writer  by  an  old  gentleman  now  living  in  Groton,  who  had  frequently 
heard  the  story  from  Daboll. — H. 

Thomas,  son  of  Lieutenant  Parke  Avery,  aged  seventeen,  was  killed 
fighting  by  the  side  of  his  father.     Just  before  he  fell  (the  battle  growing 


Narrative  of  Stephen  Hempstead.  29 

walls  by  throwing  simple  shot  over  on  them,  and  never 
would  we  have  relinquished  our  arms,  had  we  had  the  least 
idea  that  such  a  catastrophe  would  have  followed.  To  de- 
scribe this  scene  I  must  be  permitted  to  go  back  a  little  in 
my  narrative.  I  commanded  an  eighteen-pounder  on  the 
south  side  of  the  gate,  and  while  in  the  act  of  righting  my 
gun,  a  ball  passed  through  the  embrasure,  struck  me  a  little 
above  the  right  ear,  grazing  the  skull,  and  cutting  off  the 
veins,  which  bled  profusely.  A  handkerchief  was  tied 
around  it,  and  I  continued  at  my  duty.  Discovering,  some 
little  time  after,  that  a  British  soldier  had  broken  a  picket 
at  the  bastion  on  my  left,  and  was  forcing  himself  through 
the  hole,  whilst  the  men  stationed  there  were  gazing  at  the 
battle  which  raged  opposite  to  them,  cried,  "my  brave  fel- 
lows the  enemy  are  breaking  in  behind  you,"  and  raised 
my  pike  to  dispatch  the  intruder,  when  a  ball  struck  my 
left  arm  at  the  elbow,  and  my  pike  fell  to  the  ground. 
Nevertheless  I  grasped  it  with  my  right  hand,  and  with  the 
men,  who  turned  and  fought  manfully,  cleared  the  breach. 
The  enemy,  however,  soon  after  forced  the  south-west  bas- 
tion, where  Captain  Shapley,  Captain  Peter  Richards,  Lieu- 
tenant Richard  Chapman,  and  several  other  men  of  distinc- 
tion, and  volunteers,  had  fought  with  unconquerable  cour- 
age, and  were  all  either  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  and 
which  had  sustained  the  brunt  of  every  attack. 

Captain  P.  Richards,  Lieutenant  Chapman,  and  several 
others,  were  killed  in  the  bastion;  Captain  Shapley  and 
others  wounded.  He  died  of  his  wounds  in  January  fol- 
lowing. 

Colonel  Ledyard,  seeing  the  enemy  within  the  fort,  gave 

hot)  the  father  turned  and  said,  "Tom,  my  son,  do  your  duty!" 
"Never  fear,  father,"  was  the  reply,  and  the  next  moment  he  was 
stretched  upon  the  ground.  "'Tis  a  good  cause,"  said  the  father,  and 
he  remained  firm  at  his  post. — Caulkins. 


30  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

orders  to  cease  firing,  and  to  throw  down  our  arms,  as  the 
fort  had  surrendered.  We  did  so,  but  they  continued  firing 
upon  us,  crossed  the  fort  and  opened  the  gate,  when  they 
marched  in,  firing  in  platoons  upon  those  who  were  retreat- 
ing to  the  magazine  and  barrack-rooms  for  safety.  At  this 
moment  the  renegade  Colonel  Beckwith  commanding,  cried 
out,  "Who  commands  this  garrison?"  Colonel  Ledyard, 
who  was  standing  near  me,  answered,  "I  did  sir,  but  you 
do  now,"  at  the  same  time  stepping  forward,  handed  him 
his  sword  with  the  point  towards  himself.  At  this  instant 
I  perceived  a  soldier  in  the  act  of  bayoneting  me  from  be- 
hind. I  turned  suddenly  round  and  grasped  his  bayonet, 
endeavoring  to  unship  it,  and  knock  off  the  thrust,  but  in 
vain.  Having  but  one  hand,  he  succeeded  in  forcing  it 
into  my  right  hip,  above  the  joint,  and  just  below  the  ab- 
domen, and  crushed  me  to  the  ground.  The  first  person 
I  saw  afterwards  was  my  brave  commander,  a  corpse  by 
my  side,  having  been  run  through  the  body  with  his  own 
sword,  by  the  savage  renegade.  Never  was  a  scene  of 
more  brutal  wanton  carnage  witnessed  than  now  took  place. 
The  enemy  were  still  firing  upon  us  in  platoons,  and  in  the 
barrack-rooms,  which  were  continued  for  some  minutes, 
when  they  discovered  they  were  in  danger  of  being  blown 
up,  by  communicating  fire  to  the  powder  scattered  at  the 
mouth  of  the  magazine  while  delivering  out  cartridges; 
nor  did  it  then  cease  in  the  rooms  for  some  minutes  longer. 
All  this  time  the  bayonet  was  "freely  used,"  even  on  those 
who  were  helplessly  wounded  and  in  the  agonies  of  death. 
I  recollect  Captain  William  Seymour,1  a  volunteer  from 
Hartford,  had  thirteen  bayonet  wounds,  although  his  knee 
had  previously  been  shattered  by  a  ball,  so  much  so,  that 
it  was  obliged  to  be  amputated  the  next  day.  But  I  need 
not  mention  particular  cases.     I  have  already  said  that  we 

1  Nephew  of  Colonel  Ledyard. 


Narrative  of  Stephen  Hempstead.  31 

had  six  killed  and  eighteen  wounded  previous  to  their 
storming  our  lines;  eighty-five  were  killed  in  all,  thirty-five 
mortally  and  dangerously  wounded,  and  forty  taken  prison- 
ers to  New  York,  most  of  them  slightly  hurt. 

After  the  massacre  they  plundered  us  of  every  thing  we 
had,  and  left  us  literally  naked.     When  they  commenced 
gathering  us  up  together  with  their  own  wounded,  they  put 
theirs  under  the  shade  of  the  platform,  and  exposed  us  to 
the  sun,  in  front  of  the  barracks,  where  we  remained  over 
an  hour.     Those  that  could  stand  were  then  paraded,  and 
ordered  to  the  landing,  while  those  that  could  not  (of  which 
number  I  was  one)  were  put  in  one  of  our  ammunition 
wagons,  and  taken  to  the  brow  of  the  hill,  (which  was  very 
steep,  and  at  least  one  hundred   rods  in  descent,)  from 
whence  it  was  permitted  to  run  down  by  itself,  but  was  ar- 
rested in  its  course,  near  the  river,  by  an  apple  tree.     The 
pain  and  anguish  we  all  endured  in  this  rapid  descent,  as 
the  wagon  jumped  and  jostled  over  rocks  and  holes  is  in- 
conceivable; and  the  jar  in  its  arrest  was  like  bursting  the 
cords  of  life  asunder,  and  caused  us  to  shriek  with  almost 
supernatural  force.     Our  cries  were  distinctly  heard  and  no- 
ticed on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  (which  is  a  mile 
wide,)  amidst  all  the  confusion  which  raged  in  burning  and 
sacking  the  town.     We  remained  in  the  wagon  more  than 
an  hour  before  our  humane  conquerors  hunted  us  up,  when 
we  were  again  paraded  and  laid  on  the  beach,  preparatory 
to  embarkation;  but  by  the  interposition  of  Ebenezer  Led- 
yard,  brother  to  Colonel  Ledyard,  who  humanely  represented 
our  deplorable  situation,  and  the  impossibility  of  our  being 
able  to  reach  New  York,  thirty-five  of  us  were  paroled  in 
the  usual  form.     Being  near  the  house  of  Ebenezer  Avery, 
who  was  also  one  of  our  number,  we  were  taken  into  it. 
Here  we  had  not  long  remained  before  a  marauding  party 
set  fire  to  every  room,  evidently  intending  to  bum  us  up 


32  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

with  the  house.  The  party  soon  left  it,  when  it  was  with 
difficulty  extinguished,  and  we  were  thus  saved  from  the 
flames.1  Ebenezer  Ledyard  again  interfered,  and  obtained 
a  sentinel  to  remain  and  guard  us  until  the  last  of  the  en- 
emy embarked — about  1 1  o'clock  at  night.  None  of  our 
own  people  came  to  us  till  near  daylight  the  next  morning, 
not  knowing  previous  to  that  time  that  the  enemy  had 
departed. 

Such  a  night  of  distress  and  anguish  was  scarcely  ever 
passed  by  mortal.  Thirty-five  of  us  were  lying  on  the  bare 
floor,  stiff,  mangled,  and  wounded  in  every  manner,  ex- 
hausted with  pain,  fatigue,  and  loss  of  blood,  without 
clothes  or  any  thing  to  cover  us,  trembling  with  cold  and 
spasms  of  extreme  anguish,  without  fire  or  light,  parched 
with  excruciating  thirst,  not  a  wound  dressed,  nor  a  soul  to 
administer  to  one  of  our  wants,  nor  an  assisting  hand  to 
turn  us  during  these  long  tedious  hours  of  the  night. 
Nothing  but  groans  and  unavailing  sighs  were  heard,  and 
two  of  our  number  did  not  live  to  see  the  light  of  the 
morning,  which  brought  with  it  some  ministering  angels  to 
our  relief.  The  first  was  in  the  person  of  Miss  Fanny  Led- 
yard, of  Southold,  L.  I.,  then  on  a  visit  to  her  uncle,  our 
murdered  commander,  who  held  to  my  lips  a  cup  of  warm 
chocolate,  and  soon  after  returned  with  wine  and  other  re- 
freshments, which  revived  us  a  little.  For  these  kindnesses 
she  has  never  ceased  to  receive  my  most  grateful  thanks, 
and  fervent  prayers  for  her  felicity. 

The  cruelty  of  our  enemy  can  not  be  conceived,  and 
our  renegade  countrymen  surpassed  in  this  respect,  if  possi- 
ble, our  British  foes.  We  were  at  least  an  hour  after  the 
battle  within  a  few  steps  of  a  pump  in  the  garrison,  well 
supplied  with  water,  and,  although  we  were  suffering  with 

1  This  is  the  second  house  on  the  right  side  of  the  main  street,  south 
of  the  ferry;  it  is  now  occupied  by  Simon  Huntington,  Esq. 


Narrative  of  Stephen  Hempstead.  33 

thirst,  they  would  not  permit  us  to  take  one  drop  of  it,  nor 
give  us  any  themselves.  Some  of  our  number,  who  were 
not  disabled  from  going  to  the  pump,  were  repulsed  with 
the  bayonet;  and  not  one  drop  did  I  taste  after  the  action 
commenced,  although  begging  for  it  after  I  was  wounded 
of  all  who  came  near  me,  until  relieved  by  Miss  Ledyard. 
We  were  a  horrible  sight  at  this  time.  Our  own  friends 
did  not  know  us — even  my  own  wife  came  in  the  room  in 
search  of  me,  and  did  not  recognize  me,  and  as  I  did  not 
see  her,  she  left  the  room  to  seek  for  me  among  the  slain, 
who  had  been  collected  under  a  large  elm  tree  near  the 
house.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  many  of 
them  could  be  identified,  and  we  were  frequently  called 
upon  to  assist  their  friends  in  distinguishing  them,  by  re- 
membering particular  wounds,  &c.  Being  myself  taken 
out  by  two  men  for  this  purpose,  I  met  my  wife  and  brother, 
who,  after  my  wounds  were  dressed  by  Dr.  Downer,  from 
Preston,  took  me — not  to  my  own  home,  for  that  was  in 
ashes,  as  also  every  article  of  my  property,  furniture,  and 
clothing — but  to  my  brother's,  where  I  lay  eleven  months 
as  helpless  as  a  child,  and  to  this  day  feel  the  effects  of  it 
severely. 

Such  was  the  battle  of  Groton  Heights;  and  such,  as 
far  as  my  imperfect  manner  and  language  can  describe,  a 
part  of  the  sufferings  which  we  endured.  Never,  for  a  mo- 
ment, have  I  regretted  the  share  I  had  in  it.  I  would,  for 
an  equal  degree  of  honor,  and  the  prosperity  which  has  re- 
sulted to  my  country  from  the  Revolution,  be  willing,  if 
possible,  to  suffer  it  again. 

STEPHEN  HEMPSTEAD. 

6 


NARRATIVE 


OF 


JOHN    HEMPSTEAD. 


I  NOW  Setdown  to  give  a  narrative  of  My  proseding 
on  the  6th  Day  of  Sept.,  1781.  All  tho  itt  is  forty-eight 
years  Sense  the  town  of  New  London  was  Sack'd  and 
Burnt  By  the  British  Solders  under  the  command  of.  that 
infamas  trater  Benedick  Arnel,  itt  is  formillyer  as  iff  it  was 
transacted  yesterday.  In  the  morning  of  the  sd  day  I  was 
att  my  house  in  bed  between  Brake  of  Day  and  Sunrise. 
I  hard  the  Signel  of  arlarm  by  the  fireing  of  thre  Cannon, 
althow  Our  Signol  was  two  cannon  near  to  gether;  they 
fir'd  3  to  Deceve ;  however  I  turn'd  Out  and  ask'd  my  wife 
to  git  Brakefast  as  soon  as  possabel  for  I  must  go  off.  I 
went  Down  on  the  hill  about  half  mild  Distant,  now  caled 
prospect  hill,  Whare  the  fleet  was  in  fare  Site  in  a  line 
acrost  the  haber.  There  was  15  Sale  of  Ships  an  other 
Square  rig'd  Vesels,  besides  other  Vesels.  I  came  home. 
My  brakefast  was  redy.  After  Brakefast  I  Said  to  my  Son 
John  to  take  the  team  &  go  intown  and  Bring  out  his  gran- 
mother  Bill.  My  hors  Being  redy  I  Slung  my  Musket  & 
Cartrig  Box  and  mounted  with  my  littel  Black  Boy  to  bring 
the  hors  Back.  Expeting  to  find  people  att  the  alarum 
post  at  Manwaring  hill.  After  I  got  Under  Way  my  wife 
Called  to  me  prety  loud.  I  Stopt  my  hors  and  ask'd  her 
What  She  wanted.  Her  answer  was  Not  to  let  me  hear 
that  you  are  Shot  in  the  Back. 


Narrative  of  John  Hempstead.  35 

I  proseded  to  the  alarum  post  and  found  nobody  thare. 
I  rode  down  into  the  Strete,  where  my  father  formerly  liv'd, 
and  gave  up  my  hors  to  my  black  Boy,  and  Started  on  a 
foot,  which  was  on  my  way  to  my  Lit  Collon  harris,  but 
was  overtaken  by  Capt.  John  Deshon  and  Capt.  Mickel 
Malley.  They  asked  mee  to  gitt  up  Behind  One  of  thim 
&  I  Did,  but  I  hav  forgot  which.  We  Sune  got  to  Col. 
Haris,  &  I  Saw  him  Standing  on  his  Dore  Stone.  I  Slipt 
of  the  hors  &  met  the  Colo  half  the  way  from  his  house  to 
the  highway  with  a  Short  willow  Stick  in  his  hand.  My 
reply  to  him  was  what  is  the  news  Colo?  he  replid  the  En- 
emy are  landing  att  Brown's  farm.  What  is  the  order?  his 
answer  go  Down  &  make  the  best  Defence  you  Can  with 
what  men  you  Can  gitt.  I  hope  you  will  go  with  me.  his 
answer  I  have  Been  Sencherd  for  not  giving  timely  notis. 
You  had  Beter  go  with  mee  &  So  wee  parted.  I  went 
Down  to  Brown's  farm.  I  got  there  Sometime  Before  they 
landed  &  there  was  But  about  forty  men  arm'd.  Wee 
watted  while  the  enemy  was  maning  there  botes.  After 
they  ware  all  mand  they  Opend  there  bride  Sides  upon 
Both  Shores,  and  all  landed  under  ther  Cannon  whos  balls 
flew  over  Our  heads  like  hale  Stones  untill  they  ware  all 
landed,  itt  was  verry  Still,  there  was  One  man  Drest  in 
Red  Stud  up  in  the  Starn  of  One  of  the  botes,  with  his 
Sword  Drawn  &  Brandishing  itt  Over  his  head,  &  Said 
Pull  a  way,  God  Dam  you,  Pull  away,  which  I  thaught 
wass  arnald.  the  men  Sune  landed  and  form'd  a  line  from 
Lester'  gut  to  the  White  Beach  &  the  Enemy  adVansed 
with  a  Slow  march  untill  they  got  upon  high  Ground,  & 
then  they  went  quick  from  one  wall  to  another,  and  wee 
Retreted  Exchangen  Shot  every  Opertunty.  We  Contin- 
ued untill  wee  Brought  them  within  Cannon  Shot  of  the 
fort  On  town  hill,  Vulgarly  Called  fort  Nonsence.  When 
the  forte  opened  upon  the  Enemy  the  Shot  fell  Short,  & 


36  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

wee  ware  between  two  fires.  Capt.  Wm.  Coit  Spoke  to 
me  as  he  had  no  Commanding  posision  for  God  Sake  Send 
or  go  £0  the  fort  to  Stop  the  fireing.  I  told  him  to  go  him 
Self,  he  Repld  that  he  had  no  Command.  I  told  him 
then  go  in  my  name,  &  he  Went,  &  the  fireing  Seased. 
WeRetreted,  and  Sune  got  near  the  fort  att  the  house  of 
Wm.  Hempsted.  he  Called  to  mee  and  asked  me  iff  I 
wolde  take  Sum  jinn.  I  told  him  yes  &  thanky  two.  I 
went  to  his  dore  next  the  Street,  &  he  had  a  Case  of  hol- 
land  jinn,  which  was  well  Excepted.  Wm.  was  harnest 
redy  to  march,  as  itt  hapen'd  Capt.  Willam  Coit,  Capt. 
Richard  Deshon,  Capt.  Jonathan  Calkins,  &  Capt.  Nathll 
Salstanstell,  which  I  Hed  not  Sean  before  that  day.  We 
all  Drank  &  Desperst,  Wm.  Hempsted  and  all.  I  spoke 
to  Sd  Hempsted  if  he  was  going  to  leave  his  Case  of  jin 
there;  he  Said  itt  was  no  matter  whare  it  was,  the  Dogs 
will  find  itt.  Come  take  hold  of  One  handil,  and  wee 
Carred  itt  west  of  his  house,  about  Six  rod,  to  a  pease  of 
patoes  with  high  weads,  &  wee  bent  the  weades  over 
them  &  they  never  fownd  the  case  of  jin.  And  then  wee 
Despers'd.  While  wee  ware  there  I  presev'd  that  the  En- 
emy fil'd  of  from  the  left,  as  thoe  there  Intention  was  to 
Soround  the  fort,  by  this  time  there  wass  more  peopel  got 
there,  &  I  spoke  to  them.  Who  will  goe  along  with  mee? 
Mr.  George  Smith  sd  I  will  go.  With  that  two  more  Said 
I  will  go  with  you,  &  wee  went  to  the  northwest  over  the 
hill,  and  we  posted  Our  Selves  In  a  Very  advatagos  place. 
We  Soon  Saw  thee  enemy  Comming;  wee  Saw  ther  bag- 
nert  above  the  corn  advancing  in  a  Ingan  file.  We  before 
the  Enemy  made  any  Stand  we  a  gread  to  Reserve  our  fire, 
they  Said  One  and  all  lit  Us  fire.  I  told  them  I  would  re- 
serve my  fire  and  wate  for  Orders.  Very  Will,  the  Enemy 
by  this  time  had  got  up  to  a  Stone  wall  about  Six  rods  in 
Our  frunt.     this  Wall  was  on  Our  lef  hand.     When  they 


Narrative  of  John  Hempstead.  37 

ware  12  or  15  in  number  I  gave  the  word  fire,  it  was  no 
Suner  Sad  then  Dun.  the  Enemy  return'd  the  fire,  but^the 
men  went  to  the  foart  as  I  supos'd.  By  this  time  perhaps 
25  men  had  Got  in  a  huddel.  I  arose  took  Good  ame.  I 
Sea  that  they  ware  Confused.  I  took  a  cartrig  out  of  my 
Box.  But  they  Sune  return'd  the  fire.  But  Before  I  could 
Load  my  pease  two  men  with  grene  Cotes  and  long  fethers 
gumt  over  the  wall  with  ther  peases  upon  Recover.  I  Re- 
membr  what  I  thought.  I  can  git  as  fur  from  the  Wall 
as  they  ware.  I  run  towarde  the  fort,  that  was  about  30 
Rod  Distant.  I  had  got  but  about  Six  Rod  from  the  wall. 
I  look'd  Over  my  Sholder  when  their  Guns  flasht,  but  hapy 
for  mee  one  of  thir  balls  Struck  a  potato  hill,  clos  by  my 
feet,  and  the  other  whistled  by  my  hed.  I  Rember  what 
I  thaught  that  they  ware  not  Very  good  marks  men. 

I  Repar'd  to  the  fort  and  found  nobody  there.  I  found 
a  quille1  of  Riging  on  the  prade.  I  Rold  itt  under  the 
platform  &  went  Out  of  the  Gates,  &  turned  to  the  right 
into  the  Intrenchment,  &  as  I  was  in  the  intrenchment  the 
Enemy  fired  upon  Mee  &  ther  Shot  scoward  the  Dich  On 
both  Sides  of  Mee.  I  got  Round  the  corner  &  was  Sum 
putoit2  to  get  up  the  dich.  however  I  got  up  &  over  in 
Esq.  Millers  Orchard,  which  was  Very  thick  and  ful  of 
leaves.  By  this  time  the  Enemy  got  into  the  fort  &  husard, 
and  they  were  answerd  By  a  man,  "Wilkom  God  damyou 
to  fort  Non  Sence."  I  Jook'd  and  Saw  the  man  behind  a 
tree.  I  got  behind  another  &  they  gave  us  a  shot  in  the 
orchard,  but  to  no  purpus.  I  mad  the  beste  of  my  way 
touards  town.  I  got  near  David  holtes,  Now  John  Cokes, 
I  heard  Cannon  On  manworng  hill.  I  made  my  way  to 
the  sd  hill  cross  lots  there.  I  found  2  feald  peases,  &  Near 
a  hundred  men  Olmost  unarm'd.  there  I  found  Capt.  Rich- 
ard Deshon  &  Wm.  Ashcraft,  which  Stuck  By  the  Stuff, 

1  Coil  of  rigging.  2  Put  to  it. 


38  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

when  as  the  Enemy  advanced  they  all  left  us,  But  wee  gave 
them  two  Shot,  as  the  Enemy  apeard  in  Sight  the  peaple 
all  fled  except  Capt.  Deshon  &  Wm.  Ashcraft.  I  told 
Capt.  Deshon  we  would  not  be  kild  with  Our  One  wepens. 
I  Sholderd  a  Sack  of  Cartridg's  &  Deshon  the  Ramer  & 
Spunge  Ladel,  and  put  them  under  the  Brig  By  Chapman 
house,  &  I  put  the  Cartridges  In  Robart  Manworings  lott 
and  Bent  the  tops  of  weds  over  them.  I  niver  Sau  Deshon 
after  that  for  the  day.  After  I  hid  the  Cartrgs  I  went  down 
the  hill.  I  intended  to  git  Behind  Rich'd  Chapmons  Barn. 
I  Rec'd  a  Volly  of  Shot  I  Judg'd  about  20.  the  Shot  Cut 
thrugh  the  grass  on  Both  Sid  of  me.  I  must  Riturn  back 
to  manworing  hill,  before  Wee  left  the  hill  I  Spok  to  Wm. 
ashcraft  to  go  to  Chapmans  house  &  get  Sunthing  to  Spike 
up  the  Guns,  &  I  Spoke  Sumthing  Starn  to  him,  &  he  Stopt 
&  said  there  will  bee  nobody  har  when  I  Com  Back,  yes 
I  will  be  hear,  hee  went,  my  speaking  Loud  Sumbody 
Cald  to  me  and  Said,  what  Do  you  want,  &  I  look'd  &  itt 
wass  Coin  Haris,  whith  I  never  see  Sense  morning  with  the 
same  Stick,  harris  went  into  the  house  &  brought  Out  the 
Shank  of  a  Spike  Gimblet,  which  answered  no  purpos.  I 
riturn'd  Behind  Chapmans  Barn.  I  went  from  the  Barn 
toward  the  highway  to  a  pare  of  Bars,  &  as  I  was  Giting 
over  the  Bars,  a  musket  Bal  stuck  into  the  lim  of  a  apel 
tree  that  Brancht  over  the  bars  about  two  feet  from  my 
head,  then  I  made  my  way  for  home  for  this  Reason, 
my  father  Died  Lately,  &  his  estate  not  Setled,1  I  had  all 

1  In  the  Gazette  of  September  7th,  the  day  following  the  battle,  is  the 
following  notice : 

"All  persons  that  are  indebted  to  the  estate  of  JOHN  HEMPSTED, 
Esq.,  late  of  New  London,  decesd,  by  book  or  note,  are  once  more  called 
upon  in  the  most  pressing  manner  to  settle  the  same,  or  they  must  not 
take  it  amiss  if  after  this  notice  they  should  be  called  upon  in  a  more 
disagreeable  manner,  which  they  may  spedily  expect  (without  respect  of 
persons)  should  they  neglect  a  compliance  with  this  request. 

JOHN   HEMPSTED,  Executor. 

New  London,  Sept.  4th,  1781.  6 — w 


Narrative  of  John  Hempstead.  39 

his  Books  &  papers  att  my  house.     But  I  Coold  not  Git 
horn  no  other  way  but  to  go  round  mr.  Winthrops  house, 
By  being  Sorround  by  the  enemy.     I  had  not  got  more 
then  half  the  way  to  where  magor  Richards  after  liv'd  I 
Saw  the  Enemy  on  the  top  of  mr.  Winthrups  house.     I 
maid  my  way  to  qaker  hill,  &  there  I  found  I  Should  say 
5  hunderd  men,  sum  arm'd  &  sum  no  armes.     while  I  was 
there  majer  Darrow  Come  Riding  Down,  &  Said  to  the 
men  why  the  Devel  dont  yoo  Go  down  &  meet  the  Ene- 
my?    Picket  Latimer  sd  as  he  was  there  that  he  would 
not  Resk  his  life  to  Save  other  mens  property,  tho  he  was 
the  Capt.  of  the  Endependt  Cumpany  att  that  time.     (Lat- 
imer was  Burnt  first.)     I  then  mad  the  best  of  my  Way 
horn  &  packt  up  my  fathers  papers  &  books  &  Carid  them 
into  the  Swamp  taking  my  Sun  John  &  young  James  Smith 
With  mee  that  they  might  find  them  if  I  didnot  Come 
Back.     I  Eat  my  Dinner  &  Sett  out  agane  to  follow  the 
Enemy,  but  passing  Daniel  Latimers,  whare  I  supose  thare 
was  a  hundred  men,  I  past  them  and  had  gott  20  or  30 
Rods  By,  Colo.  Latimer  Cauld  to  me  to  Cum  back.     I  Re- 
pl'd  I  could  not,  I  was  In  persute  of  the  enemy,     his  Re- 
ply to  me  was,  I  Command  You  to  com  back,     then  I 
Stopt  &  Went  back,     he  Detaned  mee  abot  one!  anower, 
&  Sent  with  me  2  other  men,  but  whilst  I  was  thare  Capt. 
John  mcCarty  &  David  Robart  Came  Riding  up  to  the 
Doare  and  Said  Whare  is  that  Dam'd  tory,  &  they  Rusht 
in  to  the  house,  &  I  Clost  to  there  heels,  they  saing  whare 
is  that  Damid  Tory,     they  was  stopt  with  the  point  of  the 
baganet,  by  a  Solder  that  stud  as  a  gard  Over  Thos.  Fitch, 
whih  ware  taken  near  Black  point  with  a  Drove  of  Sheep 
to  Send  to  the  Enemy.     I  Return.     On  my  progres  from 
Latimers  I  Shapt  my  Cours  a  cross  lots,     in  Crossing  Sam- 
uel Garners  lot  about  forty  or  fifty  Rod  West  of  Robart 
Manworings  house,  I  Come  a  Crost  a  man  that  was  Shot 


40  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

Throug  the  body  with  a  musket  ball.  I  had  sum  Descorse 
with  him  &  found  out  who  hee  was.  I  found  him  to  be 
What  was  Cauled  &  Refege.  I  left  him  &  past  on. 
before  I  got  halv  way  from  Where  John  Coits  now  lives 
&  Col.  Harris,  I  mett  sum  men  Brengin  Sam'el  B.  Hemp- 
sted  in  a  blanket,  he  had  a  Shot  throug  his  thi.  I  wint  a 
littel  further  &  I  met  Sum  more  men  Brengin  Jonathan 
whaly  whih  was  wounde.  the  Enemy  had  Gott  So  far  & 
so  few  to  follow,  I  Riturnd  back  into  the  town,  which  was 
then  all  in  ashes.  I  got  to  Mr.  Shaws  Stone  house  whih 
was  on  fire  on  the  Ruf.  this  must  Sarve  for  this  Day,  ex- 
epting  I  Returnd  home  &  found  nearly  one  hundred  pe- 
ple  woming  &  Children.  The  next  Day  I  wint  to  groten, 
&  when  I  got  over  the  other  Side  there  I  saw  Liet.  Rich- 
ard Chapman,  John  Holt,  &  John  Cleark,  in  a  Bote  Dead 
to  bee  Cared  to  New  London.  I  went  to  the  fort  on  Gro- 
ten hill  to  See  the  Carnag  which  was  Dredfull  to  Behold, 
there  was  about  twenty  men  lay  Dead  Side  by  Side,  we 
found  one  man  under  the  platfm  Dead,  &  there  ware  a 
Great  many  of  the  enemy  In  the  Ditch  Round  the  Redout, 
which  is  before  the  Gate,  how  many  I  Cant  tell,  for  they 
ware  not  taken  out  Whilst  I  was  there.  But  the  Enemy 
Intended  to  blow  up  the  fort  for  they  Stroed  a  train  of 
powder  from  the  gate  to  the  magesean  &  itt  burnt  from 
the  gate  about  half  way  to  the  magesean,  and  the  Comun- 
ication  was  cut  of  by  a  mans  fingers  which  lay  in  the  durt. 
I  Stay'd  there  until  all  most  night  &  I  went  home,  the 
3  Day  I  took  my  hors  and  Went  to  town  hill,  to  fourt 
Nonsence,  as  itt  Was  Call'd,  &  as  I  was  Seting  on  my 

hors  looking  into  the  fort,  Mr.  William  Hempstead  Called 
to  mee.  I  asked  him  Watt  he  Wanted,  his  answer  wass 
Cum  &  Drink  Sum  of  Your  Jin,  &  I  wint  to  him.  he 
Sase  to  me  I  have  Got  the  Jin.     the  Dogs  hav  not  found 


Narrative  of  John  Hempstead.  41 

itt.  through  your  means  I  Saved  it.  He  said  to  me 
which  way  did  you  go  when  you  left  me.  I  told  him  that 
I  was  Jellos  that  the  enemy  was  Going  to  Surround  us  & 
cut  us  of  from  the  fort.  I  Saw  them  filing  of  from  there 
left  Wing,  as  tho  that  was  thar  Desine.  I  went  over  into 
Mr.  Ways  lot.  I  Saw  them  advans.  I  saw  ther  Byonets 
over  the  Growing  Corn,  &  wee  three  in  number  lay  In 
ambush  in  a  very  safe  place,  &  the  Enemy  advancin  in 
an  Indian  file,  they  advansed  to  a  Stone  Wall  that  Coverd 
our  left  hand.  Wee  lay  conseald  untill  they  Gethered; 
about  a  Dusen  or  fifteen  had  Colected.  I  Bid  them  to  fire. 
I  had  agred  before  that  I  would  Reserve  my  fire,  they 
Ware  about  Six  rod  Distant  from  us.  they  Deschargd 
there  peases  &  run  to  the  fort,  they  returnd  the  fire  by 
this  time.  I  supose  about  twenty  Colected.  then  I  arose 
&  Gave  them  a  Shot  &  Run  toward  the  fort.  Hempsted, 
he  sade,  Did  you  Know  you  kild  any  of  them.  I  Didnot 
carting.1  well  there  Was  two  Kild,  and  wee  went  to  See 
&  It  was  as  Evident  as  that  there  had  been  two  hogs  kild, 
By  the  blood  &  whare  they  Draged  them  away  through  a 
feald  of  potoes,  &  ther  Sholders  tore  up  the  potatoes  out  of 
the  hills. 

From  the  three  Black  marks  on  the  other  Side  Back  of 
this  Was  the  Descorse  that  past  Between  Wm.  Hempsted 
and  myself  on  the  3d  Day  after.  I  had  the  command  of 
a  company  of  militia  of  forty  men,  &  I  never  Saw  but 
Seven  of  them  that  day,  as  they  lived  upon  the  Shore,  and 
ther  famely  ware  exposed  to  the  ravagis  of  the  Enemy. 

The  Fore  going  is  What  I  past  throug  the  6th  Day  of 
Septr.,  1781. 

JOHN  HEMPSTED. 

1  Certain. 


THE   EXPERIENCE 


OF 


JONATHAN    BROOKS, 

AT  NEW  LONDON  ON  THE  6TH  OF  SEPTEMBER,   1781. 

MY  father,  who  belonged  to  what  was  called  the  In- 
dependent Company  in  the  militia,  and  was  also  a 
business  man,  rose  at  early  dawn  and  walked  down  to  the 
bank  so  called,  which  was  the   lookout  for  the  harbor. 
There  he  saw  the  enemy's  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor, 
and  quickly  returned  and  took  me  down  with  him  to  see 
what  was  going  on.     The  fleet  had  not  then  all  anchored, 
but  were  dropping  in  by  the  western  point  fast.     He  said, 
"they  are  going  to  land;  go  home,  take  the  bridle  and  get 
the  horse  from  the  pasture  as  quickly  as  possible."     I  did 
so,  and  the  horse  was  soon  at  the  door,  the  pasture  being 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  off.     The  horse  was  then  loaded 
with  a  bed  and  some  clothing  and  other  valuables.     My 
father  then  mounted  and  was  gone  about  one  hour  and  a 
half,  and  on  returning  said  he  had  deposited  his  load  and 
provided  quarters  for  his  family  at  a  place  he  named,  about 
two  miles  and  a  half  distant.     He  then  gave  directions  that 
my  brothers  Nathan,  seven,  and  John,  five  years  of  age, 
should  drive  the  cow  to  the  rendezvous  and  remain  there, 
and  that  my  mother  and  sister  should  repair  thither  with  all 
possible  speed. 

He  then  armed  and  equipped  himself,  mounted  his  horse, 


Experience  of  Jonathan  Brooks.  43 

taking  me  behind  him  to  bring  the  horse  back,  telling  the 
family  I  should  be  left  in  charge  of  the  house  when  I  re- 
turned. There  I  was  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  enemy  in 
case  they  succeeded  in  carrying  the  fort  and  town,  at  the 
same  time  charging  me  to  treat  them  civilly,  and  furnish 
them  with  whatever  they  called  for  that  the  house  afforded 
— which  at  that  time  was  well  stocked  with  good  things; 
that  he  himself  should,  in  case  he  was  not  killed  or  badly 
wounded,  and  the  enemy  made  good  their  landing  and 
could  not  be  defeated  or  stopped,  retreat  back  to  his  prop- 
erty, which  was  in  buildings  and  his  all,  and  there  make  a 
stand  and  act  according  to  circumstances.  We  rode  by 
the  fort  gate  on  the  lower  road,  meaning  to  go  to  the  light- 
house by  White  Beach,  but  on  coming  to  the  beach  it  was 
found  that  the  enemy's  small  craft  were  so  near  in  that  we 
could  see  the  soldiers  plainly,  and  hear  them  converse.  The 
ships  at  this  time  kept  up  a  heavy  cannonade;  we  then  left 
the  shore  and  struck  for  the  heights  across  the  lots.  Being 
unacquainted  we  came  to  a  place  that  was  miry,  and  very 
difficult  for  the  horse  to  pass  through;  in  short  he  stuck 
fast,  and  we  then  dismounted  and  got  the  horse  out  of  the 
mire.  Before  we  re-mounted,  being  but  a  little  distance 
from  where  the  horse  mired,  a  shot  passed  through  the 
thicket  directly  across  where  we  stood  to  disentangle  him, 
and  cut  off  several  saplings  of  the  size  of  a  man's  wrist. 
Whether  we  were  discovered  by  the  ships  and  fired  at  or 
whether  it  was  a  chance  shot  I  know  not;  at  any  rate  it  made 
us  look  around.  We  then  made  for  the  cross  road  that 
connects  the  upper  and  lower  roads.  At  the  head  of  the 
road  we  fell  in  with  about  one  hundred  citizens,  volunteer 
soldiers  armed  and  equipped.  My  father  dismounted  and 
joined  them.  The  party  then  fell  into  conversation  about 
how  they  should  manage,  having  no  commanding  officer. 
Some  who  had  no  experience  in  war  matters  were  for  fight- 


44  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

ing  at  any  odds,  saying,  "let  us  form  where  we  are  and  con- 
test the  ground  inch  by  inch;"  but  Captain  Nathaniel  Sal- 
tonstall,  who  once  commanded  the  ship  Putnam,  said, 
"gentlemen,  whether  I  have  as  much  courage  as  many  who 
have  given  their  opinion,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  say;  but 
this  I  will  say,  for  one  I  will  not  be  such  a  fool  as  to  stand 
here  open  breasted  and  be  shot  down  by  the  very  first  vol- 
ley of  the  enemy's  fire."  The  enemy  were  at  this  time  in 
sight  marching  in  solid  columns.  At  this  juncture  Colonel 
Harris  rode  up  with  his  sword  by  his  side.  I  can  this  in- 
stant— in  imagination — see  him.  The  band  were  all  much 
elated  at  seeing  him,  saying,  "now,  colonel,  we  have  some- 
body to  command  us,  and  are  at  your  service."  The  colo- 
nel replied,  "You  must  excuse  me,  gentlemen,  as  I  have  a 
violent  sick-headache  this  morning,  and  can  hardly  sit  on 
my  horse,"  then  turning  his  horse  and  riding  off.  This  con- 
duct of  the  colonel  so  enraged  many  of  the  people  that 
they  were  almost  like  madmen,  some  cocking  and  present- 
ing their  guns,  which  were  loaded,  exclaiming,  "let's  shoot 
the  d — d  rascal."  The  party  now  left  to  themselves,  on 
the  sober  second  thought  hapened  to  hit  upon  Captain  Sal- 
tonstall,  to  whom  they  now  looked  to  command  them,  and 
asked  him  what  they  should  do — there  was  no  time  for 
parley  now.  He  said,  "My  advice  is  to  divide  ourselves 
into  two  parties,  each  taking  the  stone  wall  which  is  on  each 
side  of  the  road  for  our  shelter;  each  man  take  care  of  him- 
self, and  get  a  shot  at  the  enemy  as  best  he  can."  This 
course  was  taken,  and  Benedict  Arnold  and  his  army  of 
traitors  (for  they  were  almost  all  of  them  refugees)  were 
much  annoyed  by  them.  My  father  now  told  me  to  return 
home,  put  the  horse  in  the  barn,  and  await  the  arrival  of 
himself  or  the  enemy.  I  mounted  and  rode  as  far  as  Fort 
Nonsense,  on  Town  Hill.  Seeing  quite  a  bustle  there,  and 
having  some  notion  of  seeing  the  fight,  I  hitched  my  horse 


Experience  of  Jonathan  Brooks.  45 

to  the  wall,  and  mounted  to  the  top  of  a  very  tall  sycamore 
tree.     I  stayed  in  the  top  of  the  tree  until  I  saw  the  drag- 
ropes  fixed  to  the  field-pieces  and  manned  for  retreat.     I 
then  took  myself  down  not  very  slow,  and  was  off.     Di- 
rectly afterd  I  fell  in  with  a  great  booby  of  a  boy  whom  I 
knew;  he  was  crying;  he  said  his  horse  had  thrown  him, 
and  he  wished  to  go  to  his  Uncle  Harris's,  the  colonel's,  al- 
most opposite  Fort  Nonsense.1     I  said  to  him,  Charles,  if 
you  go  that  way  you  may  see  trouble.     He  cried,  and  I 
assisted  him  to  re-mount,  and  my  horse  soon  cut  dirt  for 
for  home.     I  was  inquired  of  as  I  passed,  and  I  told  them 
the  enemy  had  landed,  and  would  be  upon  them  in  a  twink- 
ling.    There  was  motion  and  commotion  then  in  good  earn- 
est.    I  arrived  safe  home,  put  the  horse  in  the  barn  accord- 
ing to  orders,  and  then  seated  myself  in  a  conspicuous  place 
on  the  side  of  the  street,  waiting  with  anxiety  to  see  the 
red  coats  enter  Bradley  Street.     All  was  perfect  silence,  and 
there  seemed  to  be  a  kind  of  solemnity  reigning  in  the 
place.2     The  silence  was  soon  broken  by  the  entrance  of 
five  or  six  shabby  looking  fellows  into  the  street  on  the  full 
run  from  the  south.     They  passed  me  without  notice,  so  in- 
tent were  they  probably  on  the  prospect  before  them,  for 
they  shouted  as  they  passed,  "by  G-d,  we'll  have  fine  plun- 
der by-and-by."     Very  soon  I  heard  a  great  noise,  and  I 
mounted  higher  on  the  fence  and  looked  in  the  direction 
that  the  noise  proceeded  from  and  saw  the  doors  of  a  store- 
house* open,  which  contained  the  goods  of  the  prize  ship 

1  The  house  occupied  at  that  time  by  Colonel  Harris  is  still  preserved, 
and  known  to  the  citizens  of  New  London  as  the  "Robinson  House," 
now  owned  by  Thomas  Fitch,  Esq. 

2  Bradley  Street,  at  that  time  containing  twelve  to  fifteen  buildings, 
consisting  mostly  of  humble  dwellings,  entirely  escaped  the  conflagration. 

8  This  store-house  was  situated  on  "the  beach,"  (Water  Street,)  the 
second  street  below  that  in  which  Brooks  had  taken  his  stand  of  observa- 
tion. 


46  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

Hannah,  the  invoice  of  which  was  <£8o,ooo  sterling.  The 
goods  were  flying  out  of  the  store,  and  I  should  think  thirty 
or  forty  persons  were  loading  themselves  with  plunder  and 
scampering  off. 

I  now  heard  the  call  of  my  mother,  who  I  supposed  had 
gone  and  left  the  house.  She  inquired  where  the  horse 
was,  and  on  being  informed  told  me  to  get  it  and  bring  it 
to  the  door  as  quick  as  possible.  I  did  so.  She  then 
brought  a  large  sack,  saying,  "these  are  very  valuable  pa- 
pers of  your  father's,  and  you  must  take  them  out  to  your 
Uncle  Richard's,"1  (the  place  provided  for  the  family  to  flee 
to.)  I  remonstrated,  saying,  "my  father's  orders  were  not 
to  leave  the  house,  and  that  I  should  lose  the  chance  of 
seeing  the  Regulars" — for  so  the  British  troops  were  then 
called.  Rut  she  urged  me  to  go,  saying,  "go,  my  son,  you 
can  get  back  time  enough  to  see  them;  I  shall  follow  di- 
rectly after  you."  I  did  go,  but  I  had  not  proceeded  fifty 
rods  before  I  heard  the  musketry  going  crack,  crack,  on  the 
whole  westerly  side  of  the  town.  I,  however,  moved  quickly 
on,  and  when  I  came  to  the  head  of  the  cove  the  street 
was  so  crowded  with  the  fleeing  women  and  children,  all 
loaded  with  something,  that  I  had  to  move  slowly.  They 
inquired  where  the  enemy  were.  I  said,  "they  will  be 
among  you  within  five  minutes  if  you  delay."  Their  load- 
ing was  soon  thrown  down,  and  they  started  on  a  quick 
pace.2     I  passed  on,  turning  the  corner  toward  Post  Hill, 

1  Lieutenant  Richard  Chapman,  who  fell  that  day  in  the  defense  of 
Fort  Griswold. 

2  Miss  Caulkins,  in  writing  of  the  terrible  consternation  and  alarm  of 
this  day,  relates  the  following  affecting  incident : 

"Amid  the  bustle  of  these  scenes,  when  each  one  was  laden  with  what 
was  nearest  at  hand  or  dearest  to  his  heart,  one  man  was  seen  hastening 
alone  to  the  burial-ground,  with  a  small  coffin  under  his  arm.  His  child 
had  died  the  day  before,  and  he  could  not  leave  it  unburied.  In  haste 
and  trepidation  he  threw  up  the  mold,  and  deposited  his  precious  burden ; 
then  covering  it  quickly  and  setting  up  a  stone  to  mark  the  place,  he  hur- 
ried away  to  secure  other  beloved  ones  from  a  more  cruel  spoiler." 


Experience  of  Jonathan  Brooks.  syj 

and  when  I  turned  die  corner  into  the  Cohanzy  Road  the 
bullets  flew  whistling  over  my  head  at  no  small  rate;  I  just 
went  clear  and  that  was  all,  for  the  enemy  were  in  posses- 
sion of  Post  Hill.  I  went  with  my  bag  of  papers  to  the 
place  directed,  and  went  out  and  gathered  peaches,  for  to 
return  to  town  at  this  time  was  out  of  the  question.  In 
about  one  hour  my  mother  arrived.  She  inquired  of  me 
where  Nathan  and  John  were.  It  will  be  recollected  that 
they  were  sent  with  the  cow  in  the  morning.  I  told  her  I 
had  not  seen  them.  She  appeared  to  be  violently  agitated 
and  alarmed,  and  at  length  she  said:  "Get  up  the  horse 
and  look  for  them;  go  here,  go  there,  go  every  where" — all 
in  a  breath.  I  did  go,  and  rode  and  rode,  and  returned  and 
reported  no  tidings  of  the  boys,  and  off  again,  until  at  length 
I  was  almost  wrought  up  into  a  frenzy  myself.  I  then  made 
up  my  mind  to  cross  over  to  Quaker  Hill,  on  the  Norwich 
road,  and  if  I  could  not  hear  of  them  there,  to  enter  the 
town  at  all  hazards,  for  I  conceived  it  possible  that  being 
unable  to  drive  the  cow  where  directed,  for  she  was  in  her 
former  pasture,  that  they  were  disheartened,  and  had  returned 
to  the  house  in  town,  and  as  the  town  was  on  fire,  might, 
as  I  conceived,  be  burnt  in  the  house.  My  God,  how  my 
heart-strings  vibrated  at  this  idea!  Go  ahead  and  save 
them,  says  I.  With  much  difficulty  I  crossed  over  the  lots 
— an  unknown  way  to  me — to  the  Norwich  road,  and  made 
fruitless  inquiries. 

The  militia  from  Norwich  and  the  adjacent  country  had 
arrived,  commanded  by  a  Colonel  Rogers,  I  believe,  and 
were  ordered  to  halt  on  the  hill.  I,  however,  pushed  on 
for  the  town,  but  was  immediately  stopped  by  a  sentinel, 
who  inquired  where  I  was  going.  I  replied,  "into  New 
London."  He  said,  "  you  can  not  go,  the  enemy  are  there." 
I  told  him  I  must  and  should  go,  come  what  might.     The 


48  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

soldier,  seeing  my  determination,  seized  my  bridle  and  lifted 
me  off  the  horse  and  sent  me  to  the  colonel.  The  colonel 
told  me  that  he  was  very  busy,  but  that  I  must  not  go  into 
town.  He  was  then  conversing  with  his  officers  about  go- 
ing on  a  reconnoitering  party  to  a  projecting  point  of  land 
that  hung,  as  it  were,  over  the  town.  As  soon  as  the  party 
were  mounted  I  stepped  up  to  the  colonel  and  said,  "Sir, 
will  you  please  to  let  me  go  with  you?"  He  replied,  "cer- 
tainly, my  lad."  I  mounted  my  horse  and  followed  along 
in  the  rear.  When  we  came  to  the  brink  of  the  hill  the 
party  turned  to  the  left  into  a  private  road  that  led  to  a  farm, 
in  order  to  gain  the  point  of  observation.  At  this  time 
they  were  much  engaged  in  conversation.  Now's  your 
time,  says  I  to  myself;  go  it,  Jenny — for  that  was  the  name 
of  the  mare — and  I  put  on  the  string.  ]  entered  the  north 
end  of  the  town,  passed  into  Main  Street  about  twenty  rods, 
when  the  heat  and  smoke  of  the  burning  buildings  was 
such  that  I  could  not  urge  the  mare  on.  I,  however,  re- 
treated back  about  twenty  rods,  put  on  the  whip,  and  she 
went  through.  I  had  just  cleared  the  burning  district  at 
that  point,  when  there  was  a  store,  containing  a  large  quan- 
tity of  gunpowder,  blew  up,  which  filled  the  air  with  smoke 
and  fragments,  which  fell  around  me  in  every  direction.  I, 
however,  jogged  on  unharmed,  passed  into  Bradley  Street, 
where  my  father's  principal  buildings  were,  none  of  which 
were  burnt,  and  I  satisfied  myself  that  there  was  no  one  in 
the  house  we  occupied.  I  saw  a  heavy  fire  raging  on  the 
parade,  which  was  the  Court  House,  Jail,  Episcopal  Church, 
&c.  I,  of  course,  could  not  pass  that  way,  and,  indeed,  the 
smoke  was  so  dense — there  being  but  little  wind — no  ob- 
ject whatever  could  be  discovered.  I  retraced  my  steps, 
passed  again  into  Main  Street,  turned  the  comer  to  the  right 
into  State  Street.     No  object  at  this  point  was  discemable  on 


Experience  of  Jonathan  Brooks.  49 

the  parade,  owing  to  the  density  of  the  smoke.  I  rode  on 
till  opposite  the  printing  office  of  Timothy  Green,  Esq., 
where  in  the  street  flat  on  his  back  lay  a  drunken  British 
soldier  with  his  gun  bayoneted  lying  beside  him.  This,  I 
thought,  was  a  good  prize,  so  I  slipped  softly  off  of  the  horse 
and  seized  the  gun.  His  cartridge-box  and  bayonet-sheath 
were  slung  to  him,  and  I  did  not  attempt  to  meddle  with 
them  for  fear  of  waking  him.  I  made  several  attempts  in 
various  ways  to  mount  with  the  gun,  but  could  not  succeed, 
and  so  I  threw  it  over  the  fence  and  left  him,  thinking  I 
would  let  well  enough  alone. 

I  now  passed  out  of  town  to  Rockdale  Place,  where  my 
Grandfather  Chapman  lived,  and  still  no  news  of  my 
brothers. 

After  leaving  Rockdale  I  fell  in  with  Colonel  Latimer 
and  a  flock  of  old  tories,  whose  names  I  could  mention  if 
so  disposed.  To  Colonel  Latimer  I  told  the  place  and  sit- 
uation of  the  British  soldier,  which  he  said  he  would  have 
attended  to.  The  soldier  was  found  and  detained  a  pris- 
oner— not  however,  by  the  colonel's  means.  I  was  disa- 
pointed  in  not  finding  my  father  at  the  house  as  he  had 
appointed,  and  concluded  that  he  was  either  killed,  wound- 
ed, or  a  prisoner;  but  he  was  neither.  At  the  time  I  was 
in  the  house  he,  with  a  few  more  inhabitants  that  were  in 
town,  were  engaged  in  the  smoke  on  the  parade  trying  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  fire,  and  stop  it  from  passing  into 
Bradley  Street,  which  they  succeeded  in  doing,  and  saved 
that  part  of  the  town. 

Thus  you  may  understand  that  I  passed  through  the 
principal  streets  of  New  London  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
6th  of  September,  1 /81,  and  never  saw  a  single  living  crea- 
ture, except  one  singed  cat,  that  ran  across  the  street  when 
the  store  blew  up;  the  soldier  was  not  living,  certainly,  for 


8 


50  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

he  was  dead  drunk.  I  was  the  first  person  that  entered  the 
town  after  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  and  from  circumstances 
must  -have  been  directly  at  their  heels.  My  uncle,  Rich- 
ard Chapman,  lieutenant  under  Captain  Adam  Shaply,  at 
Fort  Trumbull,  was  killed  in  the  massacre  at  Fort  Gris- 
wold,  on  the  heights  opposite  New  London,  on  that  disas- 
trous day. 

JONATHAN  BROOKS, 
Post  Hill,  1840. 


A    NARRATIVE 


OF   THE 


Battle    on    Groton    Heights, 

SEPTEMBER  6TH,  1781, 


BY 


AVERY    DOWNER,    M.  D., 

ASSISTANT  SURGEON  OF  THE  EIGHTH  REGIMENT  OF 
CONNECTICUT  MILITIA. 

ON  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  September,  1781,  a  Brit- 
ish fleet  of  twenty-four  sail  was  discovered  entering 
the  harbor  of  New  London.  Arnold,  the  commander,  be- 
ing a  native  of  Norwich,  and  well  acquainted  with  the 
river  and  harbor,  which  was  of  much  service  to  him,  and 
also  many  tories  and  traitors  of  equal  infamy  with  himself 
accompanied  him,  which  is  evidence  that  traitors  indulge 
more  revenge  than  a  common  enemy. 

I  performed  militia  military  duty  as  rank  and  file,  by  de- 
tachment from  my  company  and  regiment  at  Fort  Griswold, 
a  number  of  times  during  the  summer  of  1770.  In  1781 
I  served  as  an  assistant  surgeon  of  the  8th  regiment  of  Con- 
necticut militia,  including  Fort  Griswold  in  its  limits  I 
well  remember  the  morning  of  the  alarm  two  guns  from 
the  fort  in  a  given  time  was  the  alarm.  This  the  enemy 
well  understood,  and  they  fired  a  third,  by  which  we  in 
Preston  were  deceived,  being  fourteen  miles  distant.  Doc- 
tor Joshua  Downer,  my  father,  and  surgeon  of  the  said  8th 
regiment,  said  to  me  and  others  in  the  morning  that  the 


52  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

firing  must  be  an  alarm;  but  it  was  doubted,  until  the 
smoke  of  New  London  appeared  like  a  cloud,  which  I 
well  remember.  My  father  immediately  started  for  the  fort 
and  ordered  me  to  follow  him. 

On  his  arrival  near  the  meeting-house  he  met  Benjamin 
Bill  and  others  who  had  escaped  from  the  enemy  slightly 
wounded.  He  dressed  their  wounds,  and  proceeded  to  the 
house  of  James  Bailey,  where  he  found  Charles  Eldridge 
wounded  in  the  knee.  He  dressed  him  and  proceeded,  by 
orders  from  the  field  officers  of  his  regiment,  to  the  house 
of  Ebenezer  Avery.  The  surviving  British  commander, 
Bloomfield,  had  ordered  all  the  wounded  to  be  collected  on 
the  bank  of  the  river  near  the  house.  All  that  were  able 
to  go  to  New  York  were  sent  down  to  the  shipping;  the 
remainder  were  paroled  and  left. 

Soon  after  the  enemy  were  gone  my  father  and  Doctor 
Prentiss  went  into  the  house  and  took  charge  of  forty 
wounded  men.  I  got  to  their  assistance  at  about  twelve 
o'clk  at  night.  Captain  Youngs  Ledyard  and  one  more 
died  before  morning.  By  daylight  all  were  taken  care  of, 
and  we  with  others  went  into  the  fort.  When  we  came  to 
Colonel  Ledyard,  the  friend  and  neighbor  of  Doctor  Pren- 
tiss, he  exclaimed,  "Oh  my  God,  I  can  not  endure  this!" 

Our  dead  were  by  the  enemy  mostly  left  on  the  parade 
in  front  of  the  barracks;  their  dead  they  buried  in  the 
ditch,  of  a  triangular  work,  made  to  cover  the  gate.  Ma- 
jor Montgomery  they  buried  on  the  right  of  the  gate  as 
we  pass  out,  which  I  well  remember.  According  to  Ar- 
nold's dispatches  to  His  Excellency  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
dated  Plum  Island,  September  8th,  1781,  it  appears  that 
the  forces  which  he  sent  on  the  Groton  side  of  the  river 
consisted  of  the  40th  and  54th  British  regiments,  and  the 
3d  battalion  of  New  Jersey  volunteers,  with  a  detachment 
of  Yaggers  and  artillery,  all  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Eyre. 


Narrative  of  Avery  Downer.  53 

Arnold  landed  his  division  on  the  New  London  side  of 
the  river,  and  was  informed  by  friends  that  Fort  Griswold 
contained  only  about  twenty  or  thirty  men.  In  this  his 
good  friends  deceived  him,  for  in  his  dispatches  he  says 
that  the  defence  was  so  obstinate  that  he  sent  an  officer  to 
countermand  his  order  for  assault  just  as  the  fort  was  carried. 
Fort  Trumbull  on  the  New  London  side  of  the  river  was 
little  more  than  a  water  battery  open  from  behind,  and  the 
enemy  coming  in  that  direction  the  men  spiked  their  guns 
and  crossed  the  river  and  went  into  Fort  Griswold. 

On  the  approach  of  the  British  the  commander  sent  a 
Captain  Beckwith,  a  Jersey  refugee,  to  demand  a  surrender 
of  the  fort.  Colonel  Ledyard  ordered  a  shot  fired  in  front, 
which  stopped  the  flag.  He  then  sent  Captain  Amos  Stan- 
ton and  Captain  Shapley  with  his  flag;  the  demand  of 
Beckwith  was  refused  and  the  flags  returned. 

Eyre  and  Montgomery  then  advanced  their  columns, 
and  the  attack  commenced  on  three  sides  of  the  fort  at  the 
same  time. 

In  about  forty  minutes  the  assailants  entered  the  fort. 
According  to  Arnold's  dispatches,  before  referred  to,  as  pub- 
lished in  Green's  paper  of  New  London,  (Connecticut  Ga- 
zette,) it  appears  that  his  loss  was — 

KILLED.  WOUNDED. 

]  Major,  1  Lieutenant-Colonel, 

1  Captain,  3  Captains, 

2  Sergeants,  2  Lieutenants, 
44  Rank  and  File.  2  Ensigns, 
Since  died  of  wounds,  3  Sergeants, 

1  Captain,  2  Drummers, 

1  Lieutenant,  127  Rank  and  File. 

1  Ensign. 

Total  killed  and  died  of  wounds,  51.  Total  wounded, 
deducting  three  since  died  of  wounds,  137. 

The  American  loss  was  killed,  84;  wounded,  40. 


54  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

Stephen  Hempsted,  one  of  the  wounded  survivors  of 
the  action,  went  to  the  state  of  Missouri,  near  St.  Louis,  in 
1811.  He  published  there  a  narrative  of  the  battle  on 
Groton  Heights — correct  in  some  things  and  very  incorrect 
in  others — and  particularly  so  in  the  case  of  Colonel  Na- 
than Gallup.  In  his  narrative  he  says:  "But  a  militia  colo- 
nel was  in  the  fort,  and  promised  Colonel  Ledyard  that  if 
he  would  hold  out  he  would  reinforce  him  in  fifteen  min- 
utes with  two  or  three  hundred  men.  Colonel  Ledyard 
agreed  to  send  back  a  defiance  upon  the  most  solemn  as- 
surance of  immediate  succour.     For  this  purpose  Colonel 

started,  his  men  being  then  in  sight;  but  he  was 

no  more  seen,  nor  did  he  even  attempt  a  diversion  in  our 
favor."  Almost  every  person  knew  that  Colonel  Nathan 
Gallup  was  meant.  He  was  at  that  time  lieutenant-colonel 
of  the  8th  regiment  of  Connecticut  Militia. 

The  true  facts  in  the  case  are  these.  Colonel  Ben  Adam 
Gallup  was  in  the  fort  previous  to  the  action.  Colonel 
Ledyard  requested  him  to  go  back  as  far  as  Captain  Bel- 
ton's  and  urge  on  the  men,  but  before  he  had  time  to  return 
the  enemy  were  so  near  that  he  could  not  re-enter  the  fort. 

In  1782  Colonel  McClallen,  of  Woodstock,  was  com- 
mander of  New  London  harbor.  At  that  time  a  court- 
martial  was  held  for  the  trial  of  officers.  Colonel  Nathan 
Gallup  came  before  said  court  as  a  prisoner,  under  six  spe- 
cific charges,  from  the  whole  of  which  he  acquitted  with 
honor  and  his  certificate  of  acquittal  signed  by  all  the  offi- 
cers of  the  court,  viz.  the  following: 

Roger  Newberry,  of  Hartford  County,  President. 
Hezekiah  Bissel,  of  Windham,  Judge  Advocate. 
Joshua  Downer,  Surgeon. 
Avery  Downer,  Assistant  Surgeon. 
Medical  staff  of  said  8th  regiment  of  Connecticut  Militia. 


Narrative  of  Avery  Downer.  55 

When  I  look  over  the  names  inscribed  on  the  tablets  of 
the  monument  erected  as  a  memorial  of  their  heroism,  lan- 
guage fails  me  to  express  my  feelings.  With  many  of 
them  I  was  well  acquainted,  particularly  with  Captain 
Amos  Staunton  and  his  lieutenant,  Henry  Williams,  both 
natives  of  Groton,  and  at  that  time  home  on  furloughs  from 
the  army. 

They  went  into  the  conflict  as  volunteers,  left  their  wives 
and  children  and  every  thing  near  and  dear  to  them,  in  de- 
fending the  rights  of  their  country.  Can  we  and  shall  we, 
their  descendants,  pass  over  the  memory  of  such  patriotic 
men,  and  their  invincible  courage  and  fortitude  be  forgotten? 
No;  let  their  heroism  and  valor  be  engraved  on  the  tablets 
of  our  hearts  and  all  that  may  follow  us,  and  endure  as  long 
as  the  sun  and  the  moon  shall  light  the  day  and  the  night. 

This  narrative  is  this  day  finished  with  my  own  hand. 
I  am  88  years  and  5  months  old. 

AVERY  DOWNER. 

Preston,  April  17th,  1851. 


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FROM 
RIVINGTON'S    ROYAL    GAZETTE, 

(NEW  YORK.) 

ON  Thursday  morning,  the  6th  inst.,  the  fleet  arrived 
off  New  London  harbor,  where  a  part  of  the  brave 
though  little  army  were  sent  to  Groton,  opposite  New  Lon- 
don, under  command  of  Colonel  Ayre,  of  the  40th  regi- 
ment, to  take  possession  of  Fort  Cressel,  which  commanded 
not  only  the  entrance  of  New  London  harbour,  but  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Thames  leading  to  Norwich.  On  the 
appearance  of  the  fleet  five  or  six  privateers  lying  in  New 
London  harbour  availed  themselves  of  their  oars  and  went 
up  said  river;  but  before  the  rebels  had  an  opportunity  of 
getting  their  valuable  vessels  out,  General  Arnold  made  it 
necessary  for  them  to  look  out  for  their  personal  safety.  In 
the  meantime  Colonel  Ayre,  with  the  detachment  under 
his  command,  landed  within  three  miles  of  Fort  Cressel, 
and  marched  up  with  the  spirit  peculiar  to  the  British  na- 
tion; and  though  the  country  was  so  very  rocky  as  to  ren- 
der it  impossible  for  their  artillery  and  howitzers  to  be 
brought  to  co-operate  with  them,  their  thirst  for  glory  was 
such  that  as  soon  as  they  came  to  the  skirt  of  a  wood  within 
about  a  mile  of  the  fort,1  they  sent  an  officer  with  a  flag  de- 

1  The  British  head-quarters  that  day  were  at  the  "Old  Avery  House" 
— now  demolished — situated  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  south-east  of 
the  fort,  on  the  road  running  through  the  woods  from  Groton  to  Po- 
quonoc.  Here  the  soldiers  gratified  their  love  of  mischief  by  wantonly 
destroying  the  summer's  dairy,  breaking  the  furniture,  throwing  the  old 
clock  out  through  the  window,  and  badly  frightening,  by  threats  of  ab- 
duction, a  young  mother  left  with  her  infant  alone  in  the  house. 


From  Rivingtons  Gazette.  57 

manding  an  immediate  surrender,  with  a  threat  that  if  the 
demand  was  not  complied  with,  it  would  be  stormed  five 
minutes  after  the  return  of  the  flag. 

The  officer  who  carried  it  advanced  to  a  little  eminence 
before  the  fort,  and  was  met  by  an  officer  from  it,  who  re- 
quested to  know  his  errand,  his  rank,  &c;  but  being  told 
that  his  business  was  with  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
fort,  he  returned.  After  a  considerable  time  on  that  spot 
the  GREAT  COMMANDER  appeared,  accompanied  by 
another  officer;  the  former  having  asked  the  gentleman 
who  demanded  the  surrender  his  rank,  and  being  satisfied 
that  he  was  a  captain  in  the  British  service,  desired  him  to 
talk  with  and  make  his  demand  known  to  the  captain  who 
accompanied  him,  that  he  was  of  equal  rank,  and  that  for 
his  "own  part  he  was  Colonel  Ledyard,  commanding  officer 
of  the  fort." 

The  doughty  rebel  captain,  being  informed  of  the  de- 
mand, told  the  officer  that  Colonel  Ledyard  had  determined, 
as  the  fort  was  well  garrisoned,  and  in  every  respect  in  a 
proper  state  of  defence,  he  was  under  no  apprehension  of 
bad  consequences,  and  would  defend  the  fort  to  the  last 
extremity. 

The  detention  of  the  flag  had  tired  the  patience  of  not 
only  Colonel  Ayre,  but  of  every  officer  and  private  centinel 
under  his  command,  and  on  its  return  the  order  was  given 
for  an  immediate  storm,  which  was  immediately  put  in  ex- 
ecution. When  the  troops  entered  there  was  before  the 
fort  (which  was  regularly  built  with  stone,  mounting  on  the 
upper  battery  three,  and  on  the  lower  eight  pieces  of  can- 
non, with  bastions  at  each  corner,  with  guns  to  reach  each 
curtain  line,)  a  chevaux-de-frize,  and  a  ditch  of  seven  feet 
in  depth  on  each  square,  with  stockades  on  the  sides  next 
the  fort.     When  the  troops  got  into  the  ditch  the  rebels 


9 


58  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

struck  the  flag  and  ceased  firing,1  until  they  pulled  out 
some  of  the  stakes  and  mounted  on  the  range,  when  the 
rebels  began  to  play  their  guns  from  the  bastions,  and  at- 
tempted to  defend  their  ramparts,  but  the  valor  of  our 
troops  prevailed,  and  the  rebels  fled  into  the  casemates  of 
the  fortress,  and  some  of  them  fired  through  the  loop-holes; 
but  the  doors  being  burst  open  they  were  compelled  to  beg 
mercy,  which  being  the  darling  attribute  of  Britons  even 
to  a  fault,  they  spared  the  catiffs.  It  is  said  the  number  of 
men  in  Fort  Cressel  was  250 ;  forty  of  them  being  wounded 
were  admitted  to  their  parole,  about  70  were  sent  prisoners 
on  board  the  fleet,  and  the  residue  reaped  the  BLESSED 
fruits  of  their  obstinacy.2  In  the  town  of  Groton  the 
wounded,  with  the  women  and  children,  were  put  in  two 
houses  used  as  hospitals,  and  the  town,  together  with  two 
magazines,  intirely  demolished.  At  New  London  the  mag- 
azines, the  town,  and  all  the  shipping  in  the  harbour,  were 
instantly  reduced  to  ashes,  but  the  number  of  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners  taken,  we  have  not  yet  been  able 
to  learn. 

The  breast  of  every  honest  loyalist  can  not  help  emo- 
tions of  joy  on  finding  that  the  most  detestable  nest  of  pi- 
rates on  the  continent  have  at  last  (the  measure  of  their  in- 
iquity being  full)  attracted  the  notice  of  his  Excellency 
the  commander-in-chief.     The  quantity  of  European  and 

1  This  incident  is  referred  to  in  no  other  account,  and  is,  without 
doubt,  untrue.  Had  such  been  the  fact  Arnold  would  not  have  allowed 
to  pass  unnoticed  a  circumstance  in  which  there  would  have  been  so 
much  palliation  for  the  massacre  which  followed. 

2  This  malignant  report  was,  without  doubt,  furnished  by  Captain 
Beckwith,  who  was  the  officer  sent  to  demand  the  surrender.  He  ac- 
companied Lord  Dalrymple  as  bearer  of  dispatches  from  Arnold  to  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  arrived  in  New  York  some  time  before  the  remain- 
der of  the  expedition,  or  any  person  who  could  have  given  so  detailed 
an  account  in  time  to  publish  so  soon  after  the  battle. 


From  Rivingtorts  Gazette.  59 

West  India  goods  in  New  London  were  immense.  All 
their  store-houses  being  full  several  cargoes  were  deposited 
in  barns.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  magazine  of  America,  and 
the  blow  now  given  will  effect  the  sensitive  nerves  of  every 
staunch  rebel  on  the  continent.  Before  the  troops  left  the 
forts  at  New  London,  and  Fort  Cressel  at  Groton,  they  beat 
off  the  trunions  of  the  cannon  and  spiked  them  up. 


BRIGADIER-GENERAL  ARNOLD'S  REPORT 


TO 


SIR    HENRY   CLINTON 


Plum  Island,  Sept.  8th,  1781. 

SIR :  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  your  Excellency  that 
the  transports  with  the  detatchment  of  troops  under  my 
orders,  anchored  on  the  Long  Island  shore  on  the  5th  inst, 
at  2  P.  M.,  about  ten  leagues  from  New  London,  and  hav- 
ing made  some  necessary  arrangements,  weighed  anchor  at 
7  P.  M.,  and  stood  for  New  London  with  a  fair  wind.  At 
one  o'clk  the  next  morning  we  arrived  off  the  harbor,  when 
the  wind  suddenly  shifted  to  the  northward,  and  it  was  9 
o'clk  before  the  transports  could  beat  in. 

At  10  o'clk  the  troops,  in  two  divisions  and  in  four  de- 
barkations, were  landed,  one  on  each  side  of  the  harbor, 
about  three  miles  from  New  London,  that  on  the  Groton 
side  consisting  of  the  40th  and  54th  regiments,  and  the  3d 
battalion  of  the  New  Jersey  Volunteers,  with  a  detachment 
of  Yaggers  and  artillery,  were  under  command  of  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Eyre. 

The  division  on  the  New  London  side  consisted  of  the 
38th  regiment,1  the  Loyal  Americans,2  the  American  Legion 

1  This  was  Sir  Robert  Pigot's  regiment,  but  it  is  not  known  whether 
he  was  with  the  expedition.  The  uniform  was  red  faced  with  yellow. — 
Caulkins. 

2  Colonel  Beverly  Robinson's  regiment. 


Brigadier-General  Arnold's  Report.  61 

Refugees,  and  a  detachment  of  60  Yaggers,1  who  were 
immediately,  on  their  landing,  put  in  motion,  and  at  11 
o'clock,  being  within  half  a  mile  of  Fort  Trumbull,  which 
commands  New  London  harbor,  I  detatched  Captain  Millet 
with  four  companies  of  the  38th  regiment  to  attack  the 
fort,  who  was  joined  on  his  march  by  Captain  Frink  with 
one  company  of  the  American  Legion.  At  the  same  time 
I  advanced  with  the  remainder  of  the  division  west  of  Fort 
Trumbull,  on  the  road  to  the  town  to  attack  a  redoubt 
which  had  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  on  us  for  some  time,  but 
which  the  enemy  evacuated  on  our  approach.  In  this 
work  we  found  6  pieces  of  cannon  mounted  and  2  dis- 
mounted. Soon  after  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  Captain 
Millet  march  into  Fort  Trumbull  under  a  shower  of  grape- 
shot  from  a  number  of  cannon  which  the  enemy  had  turned 
upon  him;  and  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  your  Excel- 
lency that  by  the  sudden  attack  and  determined  bravery  of 
the  troops  the  fort  was  carried  with  the  loss  of  4  or  5  men 
killed  and  wounded.  Captain  Millet  had  orders  to  leave 
one  company  in  Fort  Trumbull,  to  detatch  one  to  the  re- 
doubt we  had  taken,  and  to  join  me  with  the  other  two 
companies. 

No  time  on  my  part  was  lost  in  gaining  the  town  of 
New  London.  We  were  opposed  by  a  small  body  of  the 
enemy  with  one  field-piece,  who  were  so  hard  pressed  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  the  piece,  which  being  iron  was 
spiked  and  left.2 

As  soon  as  the  enemy  was  alarmed  in  the  morning  we 

1  Hessian  Light  Infantry.  They  wore  a  dark  green  uniform  with 
bright  red  trimmings. — Caulkins. 

2  This  gun  was  a  six-pounder,  situated  on  Manwaring's  Hill,  and  was 
used  for  the  purpose  of  firing  salutes;  but  on  this  occasion  three  or  four 
resolute  persons  discharged  it  upon  the  enemy  as  they  came  down  Town 
Hill,  and  then  fled. — Caulkins. 


62  Battle  of  Groton  Heights, 

could  perceive  that  they  were  very  busily  employed  in 
bending  sails,  and  endeavouring  to  get  their  privateers  and 
other  ships  into  Norwich  River  out  of  our  reach;  but  the 
wind  being  small  and  the  tide  against  them  they  were 
obliged  to  anchor  again.  From  information  I  received  be- 
fore and  after  landing  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  Fort 
Griswold,  on  Groton  side,  was  very  incomplete;  and  I  was 
assured,  (by  friends  to  government,1)  after  my  landing,  that 
there  were  only  20  or  30  men  in  the  fort,  the  inhabitants  in 
general  being  on  board  their  ships,  and  busy  in  saving  their 
property.  On  taking  possesion  of  Fort  Trumbull  I  found 
the  enemy's  ships  would  escape  unless  we  could  possess  our- 
selves of  Fort  Griswold;  I  therefore  dispatched  an  officer 
to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre  with  the  intelligence  I  had  re- 
ceived, and  requested  him  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  fort 
as  soon  as  possible,  at  which  time  I  expected  the  howitzer 
was  up,  and  would  have  been  made  use  of.  On  my  gain- 
ing a  height  of  ground  in  the  rear  of  New  London,  from 
which  I  had  a  good  prospect  of  Fort  Griswold,2  I  found  it 
much  more  formidable  than  I  expected,  or  than  I  had 
formed  an  idea  of,  from  the  information  I  had  before  re- 
ceived. I  observed  at  the  same  time  that  the  men  who 
had  escaped  from  Fort  Trumbull  had  crossed  the  river  in 
boats  and  had  thrown  themselves  into  Fort  Griswold;  and 
a  favorable  wind  springing  up  about  this  time,  the  enemy's 
ships  were  escaping  up  the  river,  notwithstano  ing  the  fire 

1  Arnold  dined  that  day  at  the  house  of  his  friend ',  James  Tilley,  on 
Bank  Street;  but  the  hospitality  of  the  latter  did  not  prevent  the  destruc- 
tion of  his  buildings.  Before  they  aVose  from  the  table  the  roof  over 
their  heads  was  in  flames,  though,  we  must  suppose,  from  accidental  ig- 
nition or  misapprehension  of  orders,  as  Tilley  is  said  to  have*  been  well 
known  as  a  'friend  to  government." 

2  The  old  burial-ground.  It  is  said  by  old  citizens  that  Arnold's  point 
of  observation  was  the  Winthrop  tomb,  whence  he  directed  the  move- 
ments of  his  soldiers  in  the  destruction  of  the  town- 


Brigadier-General  Arnold's  Report.  63 

from  Fort  Trumbull  and  a  6  pounder  which  I  had  with 
mc.  I  immediately  dispatched  a  boat  with  an  officer  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre  to  countermand  my  first  order  to 
attack  the  fort,  but  the  officer  arrived  a  few  minutes  too 
late.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre  had  sent  Captain  Beckwith 
to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  which  was  perempto- 
rily refused,  and  the  attack  had  commenced.  After  a  most 
obstinate  defence  of  near  forty  minutes  the  fort  wras  carried 
by  the  superior  braveiy  and  perseverance  of  the  battalions. 
The  attack  was  judicious  and  spirited,  and  reflects  the  high- 
est honor  on  the  officers  and  troops  engaged,  who  seemed 
to  vie  with  each  other  in  being  first  in  danger. 

The  troops  approached  on  three  sides  of  the  work,  which 
was  a  square  with  flankers,  made  a  lodgement  in  the  ditch, 
and  under  a  heavy  fire  which  they  kept  up  on  the  works 
effected  a  second  lodgement  upon  the  fraizing,  which  was 
attended  with  great  difficulty,  as  only  a  few  pickets  could 
be  forced  out  or  broken  in  a  place,  and  was  so  high  that 
the  soldiers  could  not  ascend  without  assisting  each  other. 
Here  the  coolness  and  bravery  of  the  troops  was  very  con- 
spicuous, as  the  first  who  ascended  the  fraize  were  obliged 
to  silence  a  nine-pounder,  which  infiladed  the  place  upon 
which  they  stood  until  a  sufficient  body  had  collected  to 
enter  the  works,  which  was  done  with  fixed  bayonets 
through  the  embrasures,  where  they  were  opposed  with 
great  obstinacy  by  the  garrison  with  long  spears.1  On  this 
occasion  I  have  to  regret  the  loss  of  Major  Montgomery, 
who  was  killed  by  a  spear  on  entering  the  enemy's  works;2 
also  of  Ensign  Willock,  of  the  40th,  who  was  killed  in 
the  attack.  Three  other  officers  of  the  same  regiment  were 
also  wounded.     Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre3  and  three  other 

1  Probably  boarding-pikes,  used  on  board  naval  vessels  in  close  combat. 

2  Montgomery  was  killed  by  a  powerful  negro  named  Jordan  Freeman. 

3  Colonel  Eyre  is  reported  to  have  subsequently  died  on  board  the  fleet. 


64  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

officers  of  the  54th  regiment  were  also  wounded,  but  I  have 
the  satisfaction  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  they  are  all 
in  x  fair  way  to  recover.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre,  who 
behaved  with  great  gallantry,  having  received  his  wound 
near  the  works,  and  Major  Montgomery  being  killed  imme- 
diately after,  the  command  devolved  on  Major  Bromfield, 
whose  behaviour  on  this  occasion  does  him  great  honor. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Buskirk,  with  the  New  Jersey  Volun- 
teers and  artillery,  being  the  second  debarkation,  came  up 
soon  after  the  works  were  carried,  having  been  retarded  by 
the  roughness  of  the  country.  I  am  much  obliged  to  this 
gentleman  for  his  exertions,  although  the  artillery  did  not 
arrive  in  time. 

I  have  annexed  a  Return  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  by 
which  your  Excellency  will  observe  that  our  loss,  though 
vejy  considerable,  is  very  short  of  the  Enemy's,  who  lost 
most  of  their  officers,  among  whom  was  their  commander, 
Colonel  Ledyard.  Eighty-five  men  were  found  dead  in 
Fort  Griswold,  and  sixty  wounded,  most  of  them  mortally. 
Their  loss  on  the  opposite  side  must  have  been  considerable, 
but  can  not  be  ascertained.  I  believe  we  have  about  70 
prisoners  besides  the  wounded  who  were  paroled.  Ten  or 
twelve  of  the  Enemy's  ships  were  burned,  among  them 
three  or  four  armed  vessels,  and  one  loaded  with  Naval 
Stores.  An  immense  quantity  of  European  and  West  In- 
dia Goods  were  found  in  the  stores;  among  the  former  the 
cargo  of  the  Hannah,  Captain  Watson,  from  London,  lately 
captured  by  the  Enemy,  the  whole  of  which  was  burnt  with 
the  stores,  which  proved  to  contain  a  large  Quantity  of 
Powder  unknown  to  us.  The  explosion  of  the  Powder 
and  change  of  wind  soon  after  the  stores  were  fired  com- 
municated the  flames  to  that  part  of  the  Town,  which  was, 
notwithstanding  every  effort  to  prevent  it,  unfortunately  de- 


Brigadier-General  Arnold1  s  Report.  65" 

stroyed.1  Upwards  of  50  pieces  of  Iron  Cannon  were  de- 
stroyed in  the  different  Works,  (exclusive  of  the  Guns  of 
the  Ships,)  a  particular  return  of  which  I  can  not  do  myself 
the  Honor  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency  at  this  time. 

A  very  considerable  Magazine  of  Powder,  and  Barracks 
to  contain  300  men,  were  found  in  Fort  Griswold,  which 
Captain  Lemoine,  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  had  my  positive 
directions  to  destroy.  An  attempt  was  made  by  him,  but 
unfortunately  failed.  He  had  my  orders  to  make  a  second 
attempt.  The  reason  why  it  was  not  done  Captain  Le- 
moine will  have  the  honor  to  explain  to  your  Excellency.2 
I  should  be  wanting  in  justice  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  Navy 
did  I  omit  to  acknowledge  that  on  this  expedition  I  have 
received  every  possible  aid  from  them.  Captain  Beazly 
has  made  every  exertion  to  assist  our  operations,  and  not 
only  gave  up  his  cabin  to  the  sick  and  wounded  officers, 
but  furnished  them  with  every  assistance  and  refreshment 

1  There  is  the  greatest  absurdity  in  this  part  of  the  narrative,  for  in 
many  instances  where  houses  were  situated  at  a  great  distance  from  any 
stores,  and  contained  nothing  but  household  furniture,  they  were  set  on 
fire,  notwithstanding  the  earnest  cries  and  entreaties  of  the  women  and 
children  in  them,  who  were  threatened  with  being  burnt  up  in  their 
houses  if  they  did  not  instantly  leave  them.  Indeed  two  houses  were 
bought  off  for  ten  pounds  each  after  an  officer,  who  appeared  to  be  a  cap- 
tain, had  ordered  them  fired,  which  was  the  sum  proposed  by  the  officer, 
upon  condition,  however,  that  he  should  not  be  made  known;  and  where 
the  houses  were  not  burnt  they  were  chiefly  plundered  of  all  that  could 
be  carried  off.  At  the  Harbor's  Mouth  the  houses  of  poor  fishermen 
were  stripped  of  their  furniture  of  every  kind,  the  poor  people  having 
nothing  left  but  the  clothes  they  had  on. — Connecticut  Gazette,  Septem- 
ber 21st,  1781. 
********* 

2  Extract  from  General  Orders  of  the  25th  of  September,  1781. — 
The  commander-in-chief  informs  the  army  that  Captain  Lemoine,  of  the 
Royal  Artillery,  has  explained  to  his  satisfaction  the  reasons  that  pre- 
vented his  carrying  into  execution  the  orders  of  Brigadier-General  Ar- 
nold on  the  6th  of  September,  1781.  Clinton. 

10 


66  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

his  ship  afforded.  Lord  Dalrymple  will  have  the  honour  to 
deliver  my  dispatches.  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Excel- 
lency to  his  Lordship  for  the  particulars  of  our  operations 
on  the  New  London  side.  I  feel  myself  under  great  obli- 
gations to  him  for  his  exertions  upon  the  occasion.  Cap- 
tain Beckwith,  who  was  extremely  serviceable  to  me,  re- 
turns with  his  Lordship.  His  spirited  conduct  in  the  attack 
of  Fort  Griswold  does  him  great  honor,  being  one  of  the 
first  officers  who  entered  the  work.  I  beg  leave  to  refer 
your  Excellency  to  him  for  the  particulars  of  our  operations 
on  that  side,  and  to  say  I  have  the  highest  opinion  of  his 
abilities  as  an  officer.  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  Captain 
Stapleton  (who  acted  as  Major  of  Brigade)  for  his  spirited 
conduct  and  assistance;  in  particular  on  the  attack  on  Fort 
Trumbull,  and  his  endeavour  to  prevent  plundering,1  (when 
the  public  stores  were  burnt,)  and  the  destruction  of  private 
buildings.  The  officers  and  troops  in  general  behaved  with 
the  greatest  intrepidity  and  firmness.  I  have  the  honor  to 
be,  with  the  greatest  respect,  your  Excellency's  most  obedi- 
ent and  most  humble  servt.,  B.  ARNOLD. 


RETURN    OF    KILLED    AND    WOUNDED. 

l  Major,  1  Ensign,  2  Sergeants,  and  44  Rank  and  File, 
killed;  1  Lieutenant-Colonel,  3  Captains,  2  Lieutenants,  2 
Ensigns,  8  Sergeants,  2  Drummers,  and  127  Rank  and  File, 
wounded.  Of  the  wounded  officers  1  Captain,  1  Lieuten- 
ant, and  1  Ensign,  are  since  dead. 

JOHN  STAPLETON, 
Captain  and  Acting  Major  of  Brigade, 

1  It  was  afterwards  well  understood  that  most  of  the  spoil  and  havoc 
in  private  houses  was  the  work  of  a  few  worthless  vagrants  of  the  town, 
who  prowled  in  the  wake  of  the  invader,  hoping,  in  the  general  confu- 
sion, not  to  be  detected. — Caulkins. 


Brigadier-General  Arnold's  Report.  67 

RETURN    OF    ORDNANCE,    AMMUNITION,    <&C, 

Taken  this  day  in  Fort  Griswold  and  its  dependencies,  by 
a  detatchment  of  His  Majesty's  troops  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier-General  Arnold,  on  an  expedition  to  Connecti- 
cut, viz.,  in  Fort  Griswold: 


ORDNANCE    MOUNTED    ON    CARRIAGES. 

Garrison  18  pounders,             1      12  pounders,  14 

9                             26"  1 

4      "                  13"  J 

Travelling  12   "                     14"  2 

Total,  23 
In  the  Fleche-,  6  pounders,  1 


ORDNANCE    MOUNTED    ON    TRAVELLING    CARRIAGES. 

4  pounders,                             3     12  pounders,  2 

6                                           4  — 

Total,  9 

Total  of  Iron  Ordnance,  35 

Pikes,                                    80     Musquets,  French,  106 


18  pounders,  1680     12  pounders,  2100 

9       "  290       6       "  100 

4       "  200       3       "  40 


ROUND 

SHOT 

l68o 

12 

pounders, 

29O 

6 

M 

200 

3 

(( 

GRAPE,  STANDS 

OF. 

23° 

12 

pounder§, 

75 

6 

u 

90 

3 

u 

18  pounders,  230      12  pounders,,  340 

9  75       6       "  70 

4       "  90       3       "  75 


68  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


CARTRIDGES    PAPER    FILLED. 

18  pounders,         12     12  pounders,    23     9  pounders,        8 

6  44"  14     3  6 

Musket  Cartridges,  10,000. 

Powder  corned,  150  wt. 

1  Garrison  Spare  carriage,  12  pounder. 

1  Gyn  Triangle  compleat;  Stores  for  the  Laboratory,  &c, 

&c,  &c. 

J.  LEMOINE, 

Captain  of  Artillery. 


BETSEY,    SLOOP,    NEW    LONDON    HARBOUR,    ()TH    SEPT.,    I781. 

Return  of  ordnance  found  and  spiked  by  a  detatchment 
of  the  army  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Ar- 
nold, on  the  New  London  side,  6th  Sept.,  1781: 
Iron  18  pounders  mounted  in  Fort  Trumbull,  12 

Iron  6  pounders  mounted  in  Fort  Trumbull,  3 

Iron  12  or  9  pounders  mounted  at  Fort  Folly,1  6 

Iron  12  or  9  pounders  dismounted,  2 

Iron  12  pounders  on  the  road  to  New  London,  1 

24 
A  Quantity  of  ammunition  and  stores  of  different  kinds 
were  destroyed  in  the  Magazine  at  Fort  Trumbull,  and  the 
Meeting  House  at  New  London. 

WILLIAM  H.  HORNDON, 
First  Lieutenant  Regiment  Royal  Artillery. 

1  This  was  known  to  the  Americans  by  the  kindred  name  of  Fort  Non- 
sense. It  occupied  the  extreme  height  of  Town  Hill,  where  now  stands 
the  residence  of  F.  M.  Hale,  Esq.  When  the  excavation  was  being 
made  for  the  cellar,  several  relics  of  its  revolutionary  history  in  the  shape 
of  round  and  grape  shot,  deeply  eaten  by  rust,  were  exhumed. 


LIEUTENANT-COLONEL      UPHAM 


TO 


GOVERNOR  FRANKLIN,1  OF  NEW  JERSEY, 


DATED  SEPTEMBER   13TH,   1781. 


IMMEDIATELY  on  receipt  of  yours  by  Capt.  Camp  I 
made  every  preparation  consistent  with  the  necessary  se- 
cresy  to  furnish  as  many  Refugees  for  the  proposed  expedi- 
tion as  could  be  spared  from  the  garrison. 

My  first  care  was  to  put  a  supply  of  provisions  on  board 
the  vessels.  I  talked  of  an  expedition,  and  proposed  to  go 
myself,  nor  could  I  do  more  until  the  fleet  appeared  in 
sight.  Major  Hubbil  was  too  unwell  to  go  with  me;  I 
therefore  left  him  to  take  charge  of  the  fort,  and  with  as 
much  dispatch  as  possible  embarked  one  hundred  Loyalists, 
exclusive  of  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  man  the  two 
armed  sloops.  With  these  we  joined  the  fleet  in  season  to 
prevent  the  least  delay. 

By  the  enclosed  arrangement  you  see  we  had  the  honor 
to  be  included  in  the  first  division,  and  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  add  we  were  the  first  on  shore. 

We  advanced  on  the  right  of  the  whole  to  a  height  at 
a  small  distance  from  the  shore,  where  we  were  ordered  to 

1  This  worthy  had  recently  returned  from  his  rural  quarters  in  Litchfield 
jail,  where  he,  with  Mayor  Mathews,  of  New  York,  was  confined,  in 
1776,  by  the  committee  "for  inquiring  into  and  detecting  conspiracies." 
— Hollister. 


70  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

cover  the  38th  regiment  from  a  wood  on  our  right  until  the 
second  division  came  up. 

We  were  then  ordered  to  change  our  position  from  the 
right  to  the  left  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred  yards  from 
the  main  body. 

This  alteration  derived  its  propriety  from  the  circum- 
stance of  the  rebels  having  gone  over  to  the  left,  from  an 
apprehension  of  being  too  much  crowded  between  our 
troops  and  the  river  on  their  left.  Thus  arranged  we  pro- 
ceeded to  the  town  of  New  London,  constantly  skirmishing 
with  rebels,  who  fled  from  hill  to  hill,  and  from  stone  fences 
which  intersected  the  country  at  small  distances.1  Having 
reached  the  southerly  part  of  the  town  the  general  requested 
me  to  take  possession  of  the  hill  north  of  the  meeting-house, 
where  the  rebels  had  collected,  and  which  they  seemed  re- 
solved to  hold.  We  made  a  circle  to  the  left,  and  soon 
gained  the  ground  in  contest. 

Here  we  had  one  man  killed  and  one  wounded.  This 
height  being  the  outpost  was  left  to  us  and  the  Yagers. 
Here  we  remained,  exposed  to  a  constant  fire  from  the 
rebels  on  the  neighboring  hills  and  from  the  fort  on  the 
Groton  side,  until  the  last  was  carried  by  the  British  troops. 
We  took  the  same  route  in  our  return  as  in  going  up, 
equally  exposed,  though  not  so  much  annoyed.  Every 
thing  required  was  cheerfully  undertaken,  and  spiritedly 
effected  by  the  party  I  had  the  honor  to  command. 

A  small  party  from  Vanalstine's  Post  joined  us,  which  in- 
creased my  command  to  120.     They  landed  and  returned 

1  Colonel  Upham's  command  defiled  through  Cape  Ann  Street  and 
Lewis  Lane,  and  set  fire  to  the  house  of  Pickett  Latimer,  on  the  old  Col- 
chester road,  now  Vauxhall  Street. — Caulkins.  This  was  the  first  build- 
ing destroyed;  in  it  were  the  goods  of  the  inhabitants,  who  removed 
them  to  it  from  the  central  portion  of  the  town,  as  being  a  place  of  greater 
safety. 


Lieut. -Col.  Upham  to  Governor  Franklin.  71 

with  us,  and  behaved  exceedingly  well.  The  Armed  Ves- 
sels Association  and  Colonel  Martin  went  close  into  the 
shore,  and  covered  the  landing  on  the  New  London  side. 
At  the  request  of  the  general  1  furnished  boats  to  land  forty 
of  the  troops  on  the  Groton  side.  Captains  Gardener  and 
Thomas  would  have  gladly  gone  up  to  the  town,  but  were 
not  permitted. 


SIR    HENRY    CLINTON'S 


GENERAL   ORDERS. 


BRIGADIER-GENERAL  ARNOLD  having  reported 
to  the  commander-in-chief  the  success  of  the  expedi- 
tion, under  his  direction,  against  New  London  on  the  6th 
inst.,  His  Excellency  has  the  pleasure  of  signifying  to  the 
army  the  high  sense  he  entertains  of  the  very  distinguished 
merit  of  the  corps  employed  upon  that  service. 

But  whilst  he  draws  the  greatest  satisfaction  from  the  ar- 
dor of  the  troops  which  enabled  them  to  carry  by  assault 
a  work  of  such  great  strength  as  Fort  Griswold  is  repre- 
sented to  be,  he  can  not  but  lament  with  the  deepest  con- 
cern the  heavy  loss  in  officers  and  men  sustained  by  the 
40th  and  54th  regiments,  who  had  the  honor  of  the  attack; 
and  as  no  words  can  do  justice  to  the  discipline  and  spirit 
which  they  shewed  on  that  occasion,  His  Excellency  can 
only  request  they  will  not  fail  to  represent  their  conduct  to 
their  sovereign  in  the  most  honorable  terms.  The  com- 
mander-in-chief begs  leave  to  express  his  obligation  to 
Brigadier-General  Arnold  for  his  very  spirited  conduct  on 
the  occasion;  and  he  assures  that  general  officer  that  he 
took  every  precaution  in  his  power  to  prevent  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  town,  which  is  a  misfortune  that  gives  him 
much  concern.  His  Excellency  also  feels  himself  greatly 
indebted  to  all  the  officers  of  the  Regular  and  Provincial 
Corps  which  accompanied  him  on  that  service,  but  more 
particularly  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Eyre,  Major  Bromfield, 


Sir  Henry  Clinton  s  General  Orders.  73 

and  Captain  Millet,  who  commanded  the  attack,  and  Lord 
Dalrymple,  Captains  Beckwith  and  Stapleton,  of  whose 
very  able  assistance  and  distinguished  gallantry  the  briga- 
dier makes  the  most  honorable  mention. 

The  commander-in-chief  has  likewise  the  greatest  plea- 
sure in  taking  this  public  occasion  of  signifying  to  the 
army  how  much  they  are  indebted  to  the  humanity  and 
benevolence  of  Captain  Beazley,  of  His  Majesty's  Ship 
Amphion,  to  whose  very  friendly  and  generous  assistance 
many  of  the  wounded  officer  and  men  are  most  probably 
indebted  for  their  lives. 

FRED.  MACKENZIE,  D.  A.  General. 


11 


COURT-MARTIAL 


AN  extract  from  the  proceedings  of  a  general  Court- 
Martial,  beginning  and  held  at  New  London  and 
Groton,  in  the  state  of  Connecticut,  on  the  20th  day  of 
August,  Anno  Domini  1782,  by  warrant  and  order  of  His 
Excellency  the  Captain-General  of  the  said  state,  of  which 
Brigadier-General  Roger  Newberry  was  President, 

In  which  the  following  crimes  and  charges  were  exhib- 
ited at  said  Court,  and  by  them  with  the  proofs  assenting 
the  same  were  duly  heard  and  considered,  after  which  the 
sentences  of  said  Court-martial  were  as  follows: 

Jonathan  Latimer,  Colonel  of  the  3d  regiment,  for  breach 
of  military  law  in  not  leading  his  regiment  forward,  and 
preventing  the  enemy  from  sacking  and  burning  the  town 
of  New  London,  on  the  6th  day  of  September,  A.  D.  1781. 
From  this  charge  he  was  acquitted  with  honor. 

Nathan  Gallup,  Esq.,  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  8th  regi- 
ment, came  prisoner  before  the  court,  when  the  following 
charge  was  exhibited  against  him,  viz:  That  whereas,  on 
the  6th  day  of  September,  A.  D.  1781,  (the  day  on  which 
the  garrison  and  fortress  standing  in  said  Groton  was  at- 
tacked and  stormed  by  a  detatchment  of  the  British  army; 
the  inhabitants  of  said  Groton  massacred;  their  houses 
burnt  and  their  property  plundered;)  that  he  then  holding 
and  sustaining  the  aforesaid  office  and  a  commission  thereto 
in  said  regiment,  was  shamefully  negligent  in  his  military 
duty,  and  guilty  of  acting  a  cowardly  part  when  called  to 
and  in  actual  service. 


Court-Martial.  75 

1st.  In  not  supporting  the  garrison  in  said  fort  with  suc- 
cour, which  was  in  his  power,  and  by  him  had  been  spe- 
cially engaged  to  the  commandant  for  his  encouragement 
in  defending  it,  and  in  making  no  diversion  upon  the  en- 
emy before  the  storm  in  favor  of  the  garrison. 

2dly.  In  suffering  the  militia  to  remain  strolling  and 
unembodied  upon  the  hills,  in  fair  view  of  the  enemy  when 
they  were  marching  up  to  attack  the  fort. 

3dly.  In  not  falling  upon  and  attacking  the  enemy  at 
the  favorable  moment  of  their  re-embarkation,  which  move- 
ment of  the  enemy  was  said  to  be  well  known  to  him. 

4thly.  In  not  attempting  to  prevent  the  burning  of 
houses  and  other  buildings  of  the  inhabitants  in  Groton, 
done  by  scattering  parties  of  the  enemy. 

5thly.  In  not  preventing  the  wanton  plundering  of 
property  belonging  to  the  inhabitants,  done  by  the  militia 
and  others  in  the  houses  which  escaped  the  conflagration, 
and  elsewhere  in  said  town  after  the  storm  of  said  garrison 
and  the  burning  done  by  the  enemy. 

And  6thly.  In  not  preserving  the  public  stores  in  the 
fort  after  the  evacuation  by  the  enemy,  but  suffering  them 
to  be  embezzled  and  plundered;  all  contrary  to  the  rules 
and  regulations  for  preserving  order  and  good  government 
among  the  militia  of  said  state,  and  unbecoming  an  officer. 

Sentence. — The  court,  upon  due  consideration  of  the 
whole  matter  before  them,  are  unanimously  of  opinion  that 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Nathan  Gallup  is  not  guilty  of  neglect 
of  duty  or  of  cowardly  behaviour,  as  charged  against  him. 
He,  therefore,  by  the  Court  is  acquitted  with  honor. 

Captain  John  Morgan,  of  the  3d  regiment,  was  adjudged 
guilty  of  neglect  of  duty  and  unofficer  like  behaviour,  and 
sentenced  to  be  suspended  during  the  present  war  with 
Great  Britain. 


76  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

Captain  Ebenezer  Witter,  of  the  8th  regiment,  was 
charged  with  being  concerned  in  plundering  public  prop- 
erty at  Fort  Griswold.  The  court  found  him  not  guilty  of 
plundering,  but  that  he  acted  a  very  imprudent  part  in  or- 
dering the  gun  carried  to  his  house,  and  the  court  ordered 
him  to  return  the  said  gun  to  the  commanding  officer  at 
Fort  Griswold. 

Captain  Thomas  Wheeler  and  Lieutenant  John  Wil- 
liams, of  the  8th  regiment,  were  charged  with  plundering 
in  a  wanton  and  shameful  manner  the  goods  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Groton  on  the  day  of  the  battle. 

The  court  found  them  guilty,  and  sentenced  them  to  be 
cashiered,  and  be  disabled  in  future  from  holding  or  sustain- 
ing any  military  commission  in  this  state,  and  that  they  pay 
the  expenses  of  their  trial  in  equal  parts. 

Daniel  Latimer,  Ensign  of  a  company  of  militia  in  the 
3d  regiment,  was  charged  with  being  negligent  of  his  duty 
in  not  seasonably  forwarding  intelligence  to  his  colonel  of 
the  expected  approach  and  attack  of  the  enemy.  He  was 
found  not  guilty,  and  was  therefore  acquitted. 

Zabdiel  Rogers,  Esq.,  Colonel  of  the  20th  regiment,  was 
called  upon  to  answer  to  the  charge  of  remaining  inactive 
upon  the  6th  day  of  September.  The  sentence  was  not 
guilty,  and  acquitted  with  honor. 

Joseph  Harris,1  Jun.,  Esq.,  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  3d 

1  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harris  resided  on  the  Town  Hill  road,  nearly 
opposite  Fort  Nonsense.  He  is  alluded  to  by  John  Hempstead  and  Jon- 
athan Brooks  in  their  narratives  in  not  very  complimentary  terms.  He 
appears  to  have  been  the  only  regimental  officer  of  the  3d  who  resided 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  hostilities  that  day.  In  the  Connecticut 
Gazette  of  May  2d,  1783,  he  replied  to  the  finding  of  the  Court,  and 
excused  himself  from  the  charge,  taking  up  each  specification  in  its  order, 


Court-Martial.  77 

regiment,  came  prisoner  before  the  Court,  when  the  follow- 
ing charges  were  exhibited  against  him:  That  on  the  day 
when  the  British  burned  the  town  he  was  shamefully  neg- 
ligent in  his  military  duty,  and  guilty  of  acting  a  cowardly 
part. 

1st  In  not  notifying  his  chief  colonel  of  the  enemy's 
approach. 

2d.     In  not  opposing  their  entrance  into  the  town. 

3d.  In  not  supporting  a  part  of  said  regiment  when  in 
battle  at  the  north  part  of  the  town,  which  he  was  requested 
to,  but  shamefully  refused  to  do. 

4th.  In  allowing  the  militia  to  remain  strolling  and  un- 
embodied  upon  the  hill  in  sight  of  the  enemy.     And 

5thly.  In  not  falling  upon  and  attacking  the  enemy  on 
their  retreat. 

The  court  unanimously  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Harris  has  been  and  is  a  worthy  mem- 
ber of  society,  and  a  good  citizen  in  private  life,  but  not 
suitably  qualified  for  military  service;  that  he  was  not  guilty 
of  any  neglect  of  duty  on  said  6th  of  September  from 
enmity  or  disaffection  to  the  independence  of  the  American 
states;  but  the  Court  are  unanimously  of  opinion  that  he 
was  and  is  guilty  of  the  matter  charged  against  him  in  the 
four  first  articles  of  charge,  and  also  are  of  opinion  that  he 
is  guilty  in  the  fifth,  and  that  the  whole  are  proved  and 
supported  against  him;  therefore  the  Court  gives  sentence 
against  the  said  Harris,  that  he  be  cashiered  as  being  a  per- 
son unsuitable  to  sustain  the  aforesaid  office. 

Warham  Williams  was  found  guilty  of  taking  and  hold- 
ing three  guns,  and  was  remanded  to  the  civil  authority  to 
be  dealt  with. 

and  commenting  at  length  upon  it.  Some  of  the  arguments  brought  for- 
ward by  him  in  support  of  his  innocence  are  more  ingenious  than  logical ; 
and,  as  viewed  at  this  late  day,  his  conclusions  are  strained  and  far  drawn. 


78  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

Benajah  Leffingwell,  Major  of  the  20th  regiment,  was 
charged  with  neglect  of  duty  on  the  day  of  battle,  from 
which  charge  he  was  acquitted. 

The  findings  of  the  Court  are  approved  by  the  Captain- 
General,  and  by  his  command  are  made  public. 

Signed,  HEZEKIAH  BISSEL, 

Judge  Advocate  of  said  Court-Martial. 


FROM    THE 


CONNECTICUT    ARCHIVES, 


Revolutionary  War,  Vol.  xxii.,  Doc.  337. 


To  Col.  McClellen,   Commandant  at  the   Pofts  of  New 
London  &  Groton. 

We,  Inhabitants  of  N.  London,  beg  leave  to  represent 
our  fears  &  apprehenlions  for  the  fafety  of  faid  Pofts 
through  the  infuing  fummer; — from  the  defencelefs  ftate  of 
the  Garrifons,  &c,  and  from  the  growing  object  of  this 
Town,  by  the  indufterous  inhabitants  erecting  a  number  of 
Houfes  &  Stores,  in  order  to  aid  and  aliift  ye  fpirited  Gen- 
tlemen in  the  country,  in  fitting  &  equiping  their  Privateers, 
which  are  now  numerous  &  formidable;  Several  Prizes  are 
brought  in,  &  great  wealth  may  be  foon  expected,  all  which 
is  as  likely  to  provoke  the  narrow  pitiful  revenge  of  our 
daftardly  enemies,  to  diftroy  us  this  sumer,  as  laft. 

Every  year  fince  the  commincement  of  the  war,  this 
Town  has  been  alarmed  with  envafions,  the  confequences 
has  always  been  that  great  numbers  of  melitia  are  called 
from  their  labours  &  fent  in  upon  us,  on  fo  iliort  a  notice 
yl  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  be  compleatly  equiped; 
and  have  been  detained  here  during  a  long  fummer,  greatly 
to  their  private  lofs — the  public,  and  the  immediate  ex- 
pence  of  the  State,  which  has  been  much  greater  then  if 
we  had  proper  Garrisons  &  Matrofs  Companys  ftationed 
here,  without  anfwering  any  real  means  of  defennce;  and 
at  the  fame  time  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  are  equally 


80  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

fufFerers  from  undifciplined  melitia.  And  from  the  late  at- 
tack at  this  Place  it  was  fo  evident  that  the  melitia  were 
not,-  and  could  not  be  here  in  time  to  be  of  any  fervice, 
that  it  needs  no  obfervation  to  the  contrary. 

To  remedy  which  &  to  fecure  thefe  Pofts  we  fubmit  it 
to  you  as  our  opinion,  that 

Fort  Grifwold  fhould  be  ganifoned  with  at  leaft  one  hun- 
dred &  fifty  good  men — that  the  Fort  be  provided  with 
200  fmall  arms  &  fufficient  number  of  cartriges  &  as  many 
pikes  for  ufe  of  volunteers,  who  may  be  called  in  as  they 
are  many  trannent  perfons  &  fuch  yl  are  unable  to  equip 
themfelves;  and  that  on  the  firing  of  the  alarm  guns,  or 
notice  given,  it  fhall  be  the  immediate  duty  of  the  neigh- 
bouring militia  to  march  into  the  defence  of  the  sd  Fort  on 
pain  of  nothing  fliort  of  fuffering  the  penalty  of  the  Law, 
&  that  to  be  made  corporeal,  let  the  delinquent  be  officer 
or  private ;  and  as  foon  as  the  alarm  is  over  to  be  difmiffed. 

That  their  be  a  Matrofs  Company  raifed  fufficient  to 
man  what  Field  Peices  we  have  on  N.  L.  fide  &  thofe  at 
Norwich,  &  to  be  compleatly  furnifhed  with  horfes,  &c, 
and  (rationed  in  the  Fort  on  Town  Hill;  &  be  provided 
with  fome  fmall  arms,  as  many  volunteers  will  run  to  their 
ailiftance  in  time  of  alarm.  That  the  melitia  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood be  ordered  in  as  on  Groton  fide.  The  Garrifon 
at  Fort  Trumbull  may  be  fmall,  &  to  quit  it  on  the  actual 
approach  of  the  enemy  &  to  retire  to  the  defence  of  the 
field  peices  or  Fort  Grifwold. 

That  no  veffells  on  the  firing  of  the  alarm  guns,  that  are 
in  the  harbour  be  permitted  to  be  removed,  excepting  fmall 
craft,  but  by  order  &  direction  of  the  Commandant. 

That  after  yc  alarm,  or  actual  fervice  is  over  their  fhall 
be  an  enquiry  into  the  conduct  of  every  officer  &  private 
&  all  others  ordered  on  duty,  &  on  failure  of  duty  to  be 
punifhed  according  to  the  nature  of  the  offence,  which  pun- 


From  the  Connecticut  Archives.  81 

ifhment  ought  to  be  corporeal.  For  men  will  not  regard 
fines  when  their  property  is  at  ftake.  Common  rank  &  file 
will  delight  in  fuch  a  militia  law.  We  obferve  further  it 
is  our  opinion,  if  the  late  worthy  Col.  Ledyard  (whom  we 
lincerely  lament)  had  only  fifty  good  men  in  the  Fort  under 
his  abfolute  command,  he  with  them  might  have  emprefPd 
&  compelled  into  its  defence  two  or  three  hundred  feamen 
&  others,  which  had  deferted  from  Privateers  &  (hipping  in 
order  to  plunder.  But  inftead  of  this  he  was  as  a  man 
without  hands,  and  could  get  none  into  the  fort  only  by 
perflation.  He  gave  out  his  pofitive  orders  for  all  feamen 
to  repair  over  to  the  Fort.  He  fired  upon  the  fhiping  to 
flop  them  from  runing  away.  But  he  was  neglected  with 
impunity.  He  was  difbbey'd  becaufe  the  laws  are  not  ad- 
equate for  the  puniiliment  of  difbbedience  of  orders.  They 
ought  to  be  exceedingly  fevere  when  called  out  into  action. 
And  if  men  of  Spirit  who  run  to  the  defence  of  any  port 
in  time  of  danger  are  to  be  unfupported  &  facrificed  by 
their  neighbours,  (who  are  at  liberty  to  take  care  of  their 
effects,  keep  out  of  danger  &  not  liable  to  corporeal  pun- 
iiliment,) who  will  run  the  rifque  in  future.  Wee  make 
bold  to  fay,  had  fome  Gentlemen  neglected  their  duty  ye 
6th  Spr.  laft  they  would  have  faved  thoufands  of  their 
property. 

If  a  fmall  cruifing  boat  could  be  alowed  to  the  Garrifbn, 
it  might  be  an  encouragement  to  inliiting  their  men  &  alfb 
obtaining  intelligence  the  profits  to  be  theirs. 

If  all  or  any  of  the  above  facts  &  reprefentations  fhould 
agree  with  your  obfervation  &  opinion,  we  would  requeft 
you  to  lay  the  fame  before  His  Excellency  &  Council — 
urging  their  immediate  attention,  as  a  great  faving  to  the 
State  &  equal  or  better  fecurity  then  the  ufial  mode.  Who 
we  make  no  doubt  will  do  all  in  their  power  to  fill  up  the 
Garrifbn  at  Fort  Grifwold  &  to  forward  the  beft  plan  of  de- 
12 


82  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

fence,  and  to  ufe  all  their  influance  in  the  next  General 
Affembly  to  have  fuch  Military  Laws  paffed  as  will  be 
neceffary  in  alarm  &  invafions. 

We  are  with  efteem  &  refpect, 
Sir, 

Your  moft  Hume  Serv*s, 
New  London  April  22d  1782. 

G.  Saltonftall,  Thos.  Shaw, 

Timo.  Green,  John  Defhon, 

Marvin  Wait,  Amafa  Larnard, 

Pember  Calkings,  Edward  Hallam, 

Wint.  Saltonftall,  Michael  Melally, 

David  Mumford,  Guy  Richards,  Junr, 

Simon  Wolcott, 


Col.  McClellen, 

Prefent. 


James  Angel, 


CONNECTICUT  ARCHIVES, 

Revolutionary  War,  Vol.  xxii.,  Doc.  338. 
Report  of  Committee  de  Fort  at  New  London,  May  1782. 

We  Your  Honours  Comtee  appointed  to  take  into  con- 
hderation  the  reprefentation  made  by  a  number  of  Gentle- 
men from  ISew  London,  refpecting  the  Defence  of  the 
Poft  at  N.  London,  &c.,  beg  leave  to  report, 

That  the  Governuour  and  Council  of  Safety  be  and  they 
are  denred,  to  raife  a  fufficient  fum  out  of  ye  provifions  on 


From  the  Connecticut  Archives.  83 

hand  (or  loan  as  may  be)  to  pay  the  40 s.  bounty  ordered 
to  the  foldiers  that  may  engage  in  the  forts  at  N.  London 
&  Groton  provided  by  act  of  Affembly  in  Jany  laft  (and 
that  48  matroffes  be  raifed  in  addition  to  the  number  al- 
ready ordered  by  act  of  Affembly,  and  that  the  fame  pay 
&  bounty  be  given  them  as  the  other  before  provided  for) 
&  that  in  the  mean  time  His  Excellency  order  fuch  num- 
bers of  militia  to  man  the  Garrison  untill  a  fuitable  number 
may  be  enlifted,  and  that  200  Arms  be  provided  &  fent  to 
the  care  of  the  commander  at  that  Poft  for  the  ufe  of  the 
fame. 

All  which  is  fubmitted  by  your  Hum6  Servts, 

Comfort.  Sage,  }    ee 
Edwd  Ruffel,     }  C 
In  the  Lower  Houfe. 

The  foregoing  Report  of  Committee  is  accepted  and  ap- 
proved, Co  far  as  to  include  the  word  laft  in  the  1 2th  line  of 
the  Report  from  the  top,  with  addition  (viz.,)  "provided 
faid  foldiers  do  not  live  within  fix  miles  from  sd  Forts,"  next 
after  the  word  laft  aforefaid.     And  that  a  Bill,  &c. 

Teft,  Increafe  Mofeley,  Clerk,  P.  T. 

Concurr'd  in  the  upper  Houfe. 

Teft,  George  Wyllys,  Secret. 


84  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

CONNECTICUT  ARCHIVES, 

Revolutionary  War,  Vol.  xxil,  Doc.  339. 

New  London,  1st  June,  1782. 
Sir: 

Since  writing  the  inclofed  have  feen  Col°  McClannan, 
he  delires  me  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  the  Troops 
at  this  Poft  under  his  command  will  now  not  make  two 
Relieves,  he  is  diftrefPd  to  fupply  the  Forts  and  Prifon 
Ship. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  there 
is  a  large  number  of  veffels  here,  &  other  intereft,  beiide 
the  Alliance  Frigate,  &  fcarce  any  men  to  defend  the  Forts 
at  Groton  &  this  Town,  your  Excellency  will  pleafe  excufe 
the  freedom  I  take  in  giving  fuch  information  as  [it]  re- 
fpects  the  publick — 

I  am  with  fentiments  of  Rea[l]  Efteem, 

Your  Excellencys  very  obedr  Servr, 

Tho8  Mumford. 
Superfcribed, 

Publick  Service, 

His  Excellency  Governor  Trumbull, 

Hartford. 
In  dorfo. 

In  the  Lower  Houfe. 

Col.  Sage,  Col.  Ruffell  &  Majr  Hilhoufe  appointed  to 
take  into  conlideration  this  Letter  &  Addreff  of  fundry 
Gentlemen  of  New  London  to  Col.  McClallen  of  the  22d 
April  ult  &  laid  before  the  Houfe,  both  refpecting  the  De- 
fence of  the  Pods  of  N.  London  &  Groton  and  what  ought 
to  be  done  to  report  by  bill  or  otherwife. 

Teft  Jedediah  Strong,  Clerk, 


■WHUUIBJ  " '  "J jlUB 

k^^fwifc^S"'  *il^^ 

*i^W5 

KM3 

lf§|l 

^^^3 

NAMES    OF    THE    HEROES 


WHO  FELL  AT  FORT  GRISWOLD, 


SEPTEMBER  6TH,   1781. 


GROTON. 


Colonel  William  Ledyard, 
David  Avery,  Esq., 
Captain  John  Williams, 
Captain  Simeon  Allyn, 
Captain  Samuel  Allyn, 
Captain  Elisha  Avery, 
Captain  Amos  Stanton,1 
Captain  Elijah  Avery, 
Captain  Hubbard  Burrows, 
Captain  Youngs  Ledyard, 
Captain  Nathan  Moore,2 
Lieutenant  Joseph  Lewis, 
Lieutenant  Ebenezer  Avery, 
Lieutenant  Henry  Williams, 
Lieutenant  Patrick  Ward, 
Ensign  John  Lester, 
Ensign  Daniel  Avery, 
Sergeant  John  Stedman,3 
Sergeant  Solomon  Avery, 
Sergeant  Jasper  Avery, 
Sergeant  Ezekiel  Bailey,4 
Sergeant  Rufus  Hurlburt, 


Sergeant  Christopher  Avery,3 
Sergeant  Eldridge  Chester, 
Sergeant  Nicholas  Starr, 
Corporal  Edward  Mills,6 
Corporal  Luke  Perkins,  Jr.,7 
Corporal  Andrew  Billings, 
Corporal  Simeon  Morgan, 
Corporal  Nathan  Sholes,8 
Daniel  Chester, 
Thomas  Avery, 
David  Palmer, 
Sylvester  Walworth,9 
Philip  Covel,10 
Jedediah  Chester," 
David  Seabury,12 
Henry  Woodbridge, 
Christopher  Woodbridge, 
Elnathan  Perkins, 
Luke  Perkins, 
Elisha  Perkins, 
John  Brown, n 
John  P.  Babcock, 


86 


Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


Nathan  Adams/4 
Wait  Lester, 
Samu&l  Hill,15 
Joseph  Moxley, 
Thomas  Starr,  Jr., 
Moses  Jones, 
Belton  Allyn, 
Benadam  Allyn, 
Jonas  Lester,16 
John  Billings,17 
Thomas  Minard, 


Andrew  Baker, 
Joseph  Wedger,18 
Samuel  Billings,19 
Eliday  Jones,20 
Thomas  Lamb,21 
Frederick  Chester,22 
Daniel  Davis,23 
Daniel  D.  Lester24, 
Asa  Perkins, 
Simeon  Perkins, 
Solomon  Tift.25 


NEW    LONDON. 


Captain  Adam  Shapley, 
Captain  Peter  Richards, 
Lieut.  Richard  Chapman, 
Benoni  Kenson,26 
James  Comstock, 
John  Holt, 


John  Clark, 
Jonathan  Butler,27 
William  Bolton,28 
William  Comstock,29 
Elias  Coit,3° 
Barney  Kinney.31 


Captain  Elias  Henry  Halsey,  Long  Island.32 

STONINGTON. 

Lieutenant  Enoch  Stanton,      Thomas  Williams. 
Sergeant  Daniel  Stanton, 


SAYBROOK. 


Daniel  Williams, 
Stephen  Whittlesey.34 


John  Whittlesey,3 


Sambo  Latham,  colored.35       Jordan  Freeman,  colored.36 

Note. — The  numerals  annexed  to  a  portion  of  the  names  in  the  above 
list  refer  to  notes  in  the  Appendix,  in  which  is  given  all  information 
gained  by  critical  inquiry  and  research  regarding  those  of  the  slain  whose 
places  of  sepulture  are  uncertain,  or  undistinguished  by  inscribed  monu- 
ments. 


Names  of  the  Wounded.  87 

NAMES  OF  THE  WOUNDED, 

PAROLED    AND    LEFT    AT    HOME    BY    CAPTAIN    BROMFIELD. 

Captain  William  Latham,  wounded  in  the  thigh,  Groton. 

Captain  Solomon  Perkins,  in  the  face,  Groton. 

Captain  Edward  Latham,  in  the  body,  Groton. 

Lieutenant  P.  Avery,  lost  an  eye,  Groton. 

Lieutenant  Obadiah  Perkins,  in  the  breast,  Groton. 

Lieutenant  William  Starr,  in  the  breast,  Groton. 

Ensign  Charles  Eldridge,  in  the  knee,  Groton. 

Ensign  Joseph  Woodmancy,  lost  an  eye,  Groton. 

Ensign  Ebenezer  Avery,  in  the  head,  Groton. 

John  Morgan,  shot  through  the  knee,  Groton. 

Sanford  Williams,  shot  in  the  body,  Groton. 

John  Daboll,  shot  in  the  head,  Groton. 

Samuel  Edgecomb,  Jr.,  in  the  hand,  Grotcn. 

Jabish  Pendleton,  in  the  hand,  Groton. 

Asahel  Woodworm,  in  the  neck,  Groton. 

Thomas  Woodworth,  in  the  leg,  Groton. 

Ebenezer  Perkins,  in  the  face,  Groton. 

Daniel  Eldridge,  in  the  neck  and  face,  Groton. 

Christopher  Latham,  in  the  body,  Groton. 

Christopher  Eldridge,  in  the  face,  Groton. 

Amos  Avery,  in  the  hand,  Groton. 

T.  Woodworth,  in  the  knee,  Groton. 

Frederick  Wave,  in  the  body,  Groton. 

Elisha  Prior,  in  the  arm,  Groton. 

Sergeant  Daniel  Stanton,  in  the  body,  Stonington. 

Corporal  Judd,  shot  in  the  knee,  Hebron. 

William  Seymour,  lost  his  leg,  Hartford. 

Samuel  Stillman,  arm  and  thigh,  Saybrook. 

Stephen  Hempstead,  arm  and  body,  New  London. 

Tom  Wansuc,  (Pequot  Indian,)  bayonet  stab  in  neck. 


FORT    GRISWOLD 


PROBABLY  no  feature  in  the  theatre  of  the  battle  has 
changed  so  little  as  the  old  fort.  It  is  substantially  the 
same  in  size  and  outline  as  then.  The  barracks,  magazine 
and  platform  of  that  day  have  decayed  and  fallen,  but  their 
sites  are  still  plainly  recognizable  by  the  ruins.  Along  the 
east  side  of  the  parade  three  soil-covered  mounds  mark  the 
location  of  the  old  barrack  chimneys.  In  the  south-west 
bastion  is  the  ruined  masonry  of  the  magazine,  near  which 
stood  the  flag-staff.  Along  the  west  side  are  still  seen  the 
stone  foundations  upon  which  rested  the  wood  platform, 
and  the  well  near  the  gate  is  the  same  to  which,  on  that 
bloody  day,  the  dying  soldier  in  his  fevered  anguish  wist- 
fully turned,  and  vainly  craved  of  the  implacable  Briton 
its  cooling  draught. 

Near  the  centre  of  the  parade  are  the  ruins  of  a  maga- 
zine constructed  in  1 798,  when  a  war  with  France  was  con- 
sidered imminent;  and  the  coast  fortifications,  which  had 
received  but  little  attention  since  the  peace  of  1783,  were 
put  in  a  state  of  defense.  In  1812-14  the  old  barracks 
were  repaired,  the  ditch  somewhat  deepened,  the  parapets 
strengthened  with  fresh  earth,  and  heavier  ordnance  mount- 
ed; but  these  guns  and  their  carriages  were  a  short  time 
afterwards  removed.  In  1042  or  '43  a  commission  from 
the  War  Department  reported  in  favor  of  making  this  fort 
a  permanent  work;  but  the  Mexican  question,  which  was 


Battle  Monument.  89 

then  looming  into  view  in  the  south-western  horizon,  caused 
the  abandonment  of  the  project  at  that  time,  and  it  has 
never  since  been  revived.  Aside  from  its  commanding  po- 
sition this  old  fort  would  present  to  the  military  eye  of  fifty 
years  ago  but  small  claims  for  offensive  powers;  but  the 
lessons  of  modem  war  have  taught  the  engineer  of  to-day 
that,  mounted  with  improved  artillery,  the  old  sodded  ruin 
would  be  more  capable  of  injury  to  an  enemy,  and  far  more 
susceptible  of  defense,  than  the  elaborate  granite  fortress 
opposite.  But,  however  strong  and  defiant  it  might  be 
made,  let  us  hope  the  occasion  for  its  proof  will  never 
arise;  that  its  grass-covered  ramparts,  once  sanctified  by 
the  blood  of  patriots,  may  never  be  torn  by  hostile  shot — 
never  again  be  the  scene  of  human  conflict. 


THE    BATTLE    MONUMENT. 

In  the  year  1826  a  number  of  gentlemen  in  Groton,  feel- 
ing that  the  tragic  events  occurring  in  the  neighborhood  in 
1781  should  be  more  properly  commemorated,  organized 
as  an  association  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  monument. 
An  application  to  the  legislature  for  a  charter  was  granted, 
and  a  lottery  in  aid  of  the  work  was  legalized  by  special 
act.  The  corner-stone  was  laid  September  6th  of  that 
year,  and  on  the  6th  of  September,  1830,  it  was  dedicated 
with  imposing  ceremonies. 

In  form  it  is  an  obelisk  twenty-two  feet  square  at  the 
base,  and  eleven  feet  at  the  top,  resting  on  a  die  twenty- 
four  feet  square,  which  in  turn  rests  upon  a  base  twenty- 
six  feet  square.  Its  material  is  granite,  quarried  in  the 
neighborhood. 

Its  whole  height  is  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  feet, 
and  its  summit,  which  is  reached  by  a  spiral  stair-way  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  stone  steps,  is  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
13 


90  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

seven  feet  above  the  waters  of  the  bay.  From  this  point 
a  picture  of  sea  and  land  of  almost  unrivaled  beauty  is 
presented,  well  repaying  the  visitor  for  the  toil  of  ascent. 

Upon  a  marble  slab,  on  the  west  face  over  the  entrance, 
is  the  following  inscription: 


This  Monument 

was  erected  under  the  patronage  of  the  State  of  Connecticut,  A.  D.  1830, 

and  in  the  55th  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  U.  S.  A. 

In  Memory  of  the  Brave  Patriots 

who  fell  in  the  massacre  at  Fort  Griswold  near  this  spot 

on  the  6th  of  September,  A.  D.  1781, 

when  the  British  under  the  command  of 

the  traitor  Benedict  Arnold, 

burnt  the  towns  of  New  London  &  Groton,  and  spread 

desolation  and  woe  throughout  this  region. 


Within  the  monument,  upon  the  right  of  the  entrance, 
is  a  marble  tablet  bearing  the  names  of  the  heroes  who  fell 
on  that  bloody  clay.  This  was  formerly  on  the  south  side 
of  the  monument,  facing  the  fort;  some  years  since,  repairs 
becoming  necessary,  it  was  removed  to  the  present  location, 
and  its  place  supplied  with  solid  masonry.  There  was  also 
above  and  connected  with  it,  a  slab  bearing  the  following 
inscription,  which  was  also  removed  at  that  time  and  never 
replaced: 

"  Zebulon  and  Naphtali  were  a  people  that  jeoparded  their  lives  unto 
the  death  in  the  high  places  of  the  field." 

Judges,  5  Chap.  18  verse. 


Colonel  Ledyard's  Autograph. 


91 


The  facsimile  of  Colonel  Ledyard's  autograph,  given  be- 
low, was  engraved  from  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  the 
selectmen  of  Lebanon,  directing  them  to  send  to  Norwich 
Landing  the  stores  they  had  collected  for  public  service. 
The  letter  is  dated  at  New  London,  April  4th,  1781. 


MONUMENTAL    RECORDS 


THIS  chapter  was  not  comprehended  in  the  plan  of 
this  little  work  as  originally  contemplated,  but  is  rather 
an  outgrowth  from  the  interest  excited  in  this  direction  by 
the  compilation  of  the  narratives,  and  has  been  adopted 
since  that  portion  has  been  in  press.  The  subject  naturally 
follows,  and  will,  it  is  thought,  give  additional  interest  if 
not  value  to  the  preceding  narratives  and  reports,  in  which 
we  see,  amid  the  smoke  of  battle  and  in  the  frenzy  of 
the  death-struggle,  the  heroes  whom  we  here  follow  to  their 
quiet  resting-places,  and  reading  their  homely  epitaphs, 
seem  in  a  measure  to  become  personally  acquainted  with 
them. 

A  visit  to  the  graves,  near  the  scene  of  the  battle,  led  to 
wider  explorations  in  the  many  public  and  private  cemeter- 
ies of  Groton  and  adjacent  townships.  Nearly  one  hundred 
were  visited,  and  the  result,  considering  the  general  igno- 
rance, and,  it  may  also  regretfully  be  said,  the  indifference 
of  even  their  descendants  regarding  the  sepulture  of  these 
brave  men,  was  much  more  successful  than  was  or  could 
have  been  anticipated.  Quite  a  large  number  of  graves 
are  known  to  have  ever  remained  unprovided  with  en- 
graved tablets,  and  of  those  which  were  properly  so  marked, 
many  of  the  stones  have  fallen,  and  are  now  concealed  by 
the  heavy  vegetable  accumulations  of  years.  Hence  many? 
doubtless,  were  passed  over  undiscovered,  even  after  ex- 
tended inquiry  and  careful  research.  These  neglected  and 
forgotten  memorials  of  the  fathers'  devotion  to  the  cause 


Monumental  Records.  93 

of  country  and  liberty  are  widely  scattered  through  Groton 
and  the  neighboring  towns,  most  frequently  in  obscure  and 
lonely  localities,  sometimes  hidden  in  the  shade  of  heavy 
forest  trees,  and  covered  by  dense  undergrowth  of  noxious 
weeds  and  shrubs — the  undisturbed  home  of  the  burrowing 
wild  animal  and  noisome  reptile. 

On  visiting  these  solitary  places  of  interment,  and  read- 
ing from  the  monuments  the  rudely  cut  epitaphs  which 
sometimes  breathe  a  spirit  of  resignation  and  Christian 
hope,  but  far  oftener  that  of  defiant  and  fiery  indignation, 
the  visitor  realizes  more  than  ever  before  the  extent  of  the 
desolation  and  woe  spread  throughout  this  region  by  the 
invasion  of  the  traitor. 

The  lamented  Frances  Manwaring  Caulkins,  in  addition 
to  her  many  other  historical  and  antiquarian  labors,  made 
quite  extensive  researches  in  this  direction,  the  results  of 
which  she  designed  publishing  at  a  future  day,  under  the 
title  of  "The  Stone  Records  of  Groton." 

On  learning  that  the  present  work  was  in  preparation, 
her  brother,  the  Hon.  Henry  P.  Haven,  very  generously 
proffered  the  editor  the  privilege  of  consulting  her  manu- 
scripts, which  have  been  of  much  assistance  in  preparing 
this  difficult  subject. 

About  four  hundred  and  fifty  yards  south-east  from  the 
fort  is  the  grave  of  Colonel  Ledyard,  whose  name  has  been 
given  to  the  cemetery,  which  was  formerly  known  as  that 
of  Packer's  Rock,  from  the  high  ledge  upon  its  eastern 
border.  In  1854  the  state  appropriated  fifteen  hundred 
dollars  for  the  erection  of  a  suitable  memorial  to  the  mar- 
tyr. His  remains,  with  those  of  his  wife  and  children, 
were  removed  a  few  yards  to  the  west  near  the  centre  of 
the  ground,  and  a  beautiful  monument,  cut  from  native 
granite,  erected  over  his  grave. 

It  is  inclosed  by  an  iron  railing  supported  by  posts  ap- 


94  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

propriately  cast  in  the  form  of  cannon.  Within  the  inclos- 
ure  are  the  remains  of  the  slab  of  blue  slate  which  origin- 
ally-marked the  grave;  it  is  now  nearly  destroyed,  and  the 
inscription  rendered  illegible  by  the  vandalism  of  the  relic 
hunter.  On  the  west  face  of  the  monument,  upon  the 
shaft,  an  unsheathed  sabre  is  carved  in  relief;  below,  upon 
the  sub-base,  in  raised  letters,  is  the  name  LED  YARD, 
and  on  the  die  is  the  following  inscription: 


Sons  of  Connecticut 

Behold  this  Monument  and  learn  to  emulate 

the  virtue  valor  and  Patriotism  of  your  ancestors. 

The  south  face  bears  the  following: 
ERECTED  IN  1854 


By  the  State  of  Connecticut  in  remembrance  of  the 

painful  events  that  took  place  in  this  neighborhood 

during  the  war  of  the  Revolution; 

It  commemorates  the  Burning  of  New  London, 

the  Storming  of  Groton  Fort  the  Massacre  of 

the  Garrison  and  the  slaughter  of  Ledyard  the 

brave  Commander  of  these  posts  who  was  slain 

by  the  Conquerors  with  his  own  Sword. 


He  fell  in  the  service  of  his  country 
Fearless  of  death  and  prepared  to  die. 


Monumental  Records,  95 

On  the  north: 

Copy  of  the  Inscription  on  the  Head-Stone  originally  erected 
over  the  Grave  of  Colonel  Ledyard. 
Sacred  to  the  Memory  of  William  Ledyard  Efqr 
Col 'Commandant  of  the  Garrifoned  pofts  of  New  London 
&  Groton;  Who  after  a  gallant  defence,  was  with  a  part  of 
the  brave  Garrifon,  inhumanly  Maffacred;  by  britifh  troops 

in  Fort  Grifwold,  Sep  6  1781  iEtatis  suae  43 

By  a  judicious  &  Faithful  difcharge  of  the  various  duties 

of  his  Station,  He  rendered  mod  efential  Service  to  his 

Country;  and  ftood  confeffed,  the  unihaken  Patriot; 

and  intrepid  Hero.     He  lived,  the  Pattern  of  Magna 

nimity;  Courtefy,  and  Humanity.     He  fell  the  Victim 

of  ungenerous  Rage  and  Cruelty. 

A  few  yards  east  of  the  monument  of  Colonel  Ledyard 
are  the  following  inscriptions: 

Here  Lies  ye  Body  of 

Mr  Daniel  Chefter  fon 

of    Mr   Thomas   Chefter 

who    was   Killed    in   fort 

Grifwold  after  he  Surrendered 

fep1  6th   1781  in  ye  27  year  of 

his  Age 

My  blood  was  Spilt  upon  yc 
earth,  By  Relentless  In- 
human foes  I  fall  a  Sa- 
crifice to  Death, 


96  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


Here  Lies  ye  Body  of 
Mr  Eldredge  Chefter  fon  of  Mr  Thomas 
Chefter  who  was  wound- 
ed in  fort  Griswold  fep' 
6th  1781  and  died  of  his  wounds  dec  31st  in 
ye  24th  year  of  his  Age. 

Relentlefs  was  my  foe,  Deaths  weapons  through 
me  went,  Fell  by  ye  Fatal  blow,  Lingered 
till  life  was  Spent. 


In  Memory  of 

Mr  Andrew  Billings 

Son  of  Cap1   Stephen 

&  Mrs  Bridget  Billings 

Who  was  Inhumanly 

Maffacred  by  Britiili  troops 

in  Fort  Grifwold 

Sepr  6th  A(b  1781 

In  the  22d  year 

of  his  age. 


Monumental  Records.  97 


In  Memory  of  Lieu1 

Ebenezer  Avery  who 

fell  Glorioufly  in  Defence 

of  fort  Grifwould  and 

American  Freedom 

fep1  6th  1781  in  ye  49th 

year  of  his  Age 

Exhibiting  a  noble  Specimen 

of  Military  Valour 

and  Patriotic  Virtue. 


Sacred 

to  the  memory  of 

Cap1  John  Williams 

who  fell  glorioufly 

fighting  for  the 

liberty  of  his  country 

in  Fort  Grifwold 

Sep  6  1781  in  the 

43rd  year  of  his  age. 

■Jf  "Jf  vC- 

Te  patriot  friends  that  weep  my  fate 

As  if  untimely  fain, 

Faith  binds  my  foul  to  Jefuf's  breaft 

And  turns  my  lofs  to  gain. 
14 


98  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


In  Memory  of 

Capt  Youngs  Ledyard 

who  was  mortally  wounded 

making  heroic  exertions 

for  the  defence  of 

Fort  Grifwold  Sepr  6th 

of  which  he  died 

the  7th  A(b:   1781 

in  the  31st  year  of  his  Age. 


In  the  Starr  Burial-ground,  on  the  North  Road,  in  Groton  : 

In  Memory  of 

Mr  Elnathan  Perkins 

who  was  flain  at  Fort 

Grifwould  Sep  6th  1781 

in  the  64  year 

of  his  Age 

Ye  Britifh  Power  that  boafts  aloud 

of  your  Great  Lenity 
Behold  my  fate  when  at  your  feet 

I  and  three  Sons  muft  Die. 


Monumental  Records.  99 

In  Memory  of  M' 

Alia      Perkins      who 

was  flain  in  fort  Grifwould 

Sept1  6th  1781  in  ye  33rd 

year  of  his  Age 

Ye  Britifh  tyrants 
that  have  Power 
And  butchers  wet 
With  Human  Gore 
Judgement  muft  come 
And  you  will  be 
Rewarded  for  your 
Cruelty. 

In  Memory  of  Mr 

.  Luke  Perkins  who 

was  flain  at  fort 

Griiwould  fep1  6th 

1781  in  ye  29th  year 

of  his  Age 


Ye  Ions  of  Liberty 
be  not  Difmayd 
That  I  have  fell 
a  Sacrifice  to  Death 
But  oh  to  think  how 
will  their  debt  be  paid 
Who  murtherd  me 
when  they  are  calld 
from  Earth. 


loo  Battle  of  Grot  on  Heights. 

In  Memory  of  Mr 

Thomas  Minard  he 

fell  a  victom  [to]  Death 

the  6th  of  fept  1781 

in  ye  30  year  of 

his  Age. 

My  blood  was  fpilt  upon 
the  Earth,  refigned  my 
breath,  By  relentlefs 
inhuman  foes  I  fell, 
a  Sacrifice  to  Death. 


In  Memory  of  Mr  Chrittopher  Wood- 
bridge  he  was 
Kiltf  in  fort  Grifwould  fep1  6 
1781  in  ye  27th 
year  of  his  Age. 


In  Memory  of  Mr 

Wait  Letter  fon  of 

Mr  Thomas  Letter 

&  Mary  his  wife 

he  fell  in  the 

Battle  at  Fort 

Grifwould  fep1 

6th  1781  in  ye 

22d  year  of  his  Age. 


Monumental  Records.  \  o l 


In  Memory  of 

MR  Henery  Woodbridge 

who  was  flain  in  Fort 

Grifwould  Sep1  6th  1781 

in  the  33d  year 

of  his  Age. 

Will  not  a  day  of  reckoning  come 
does  not  my  blood  for  vengeance  cry 
how  will  thofe  wretches  bear  their  doo' 
who  haft  me  flain  moft  Murderoufly. 


In  Memory  of  Mr 

Simeon  Perkins 

who  was  Slain  in 

fort  Grifwould 

fep  6th  1781  in 

ye  22d  year 

of  his  Age. 


102  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

In  Memory  of  Mr 

Elifha  Perkins  who 

fell  a  Sacrifice  for  his 

Countrys    Caule    in  that 

horrible  maffacre  at  fort 

Grifwould  fepr  6th 

1781    in   ye   38   year 

of  his  Age. 

Kingdoms  and  States 
Degenerates 

Keep  grace  forever  nigh 

My  Blood  hath  (rained  the 
britifh.  fame 

for  their  humanity. 


In  Memory  of 

MR  Nicholas  Starr 

who  was  flain  in  Fort 

Grifwould  Septr  6   1781 

in  his  40th  year 

O  thou  Inveterate  Foe 
what  is  it  thou  haft  done 
thou  ftruck  the  fatal  blow 
no  mercy  could  be  Jhown 


Monumental  Records.  103 

In  Memory  of 

Thomas  Starr  Jur 

who  was  Jlain  in 

Fort  Grifwold  Sep  6th  1781 

in  the  19th  year 

of  his  age. 


About  one  mile  north  of  the  Starr  Cemetery,  on  the  same 
road,  in  a  small  inclosure,  known  as  the  Wood  Burial- 
Ground,  is  a  stone  bearing  the  following  inscription: 

In  Memory  of  Cap1  Samuel  Allyn 

he  Departed  this  Life  fep1  6  1781 

in  fort  Grifwould  by  traitor  Ar 

nolds  murdering  corps  in  the 

47  year  of  his  Age. 

By  Gods  decree  my  bounds 
Ware  fixt,  the  time  ye  place, 
tho  much  confuf d; 
The  Caufe  was  Good;  ye 
Means  ware  vile, 
Snarehed  me  from  Charms 
of  Golden  Life. 


104  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

The  following  is  in  the  "Old  Cemetery"  near  Gale's 
Ferry: 

In  Memory  of 

MR  RUFUS  HURLBUT 

Who  fell  in  the  bloody 

Committed  by  Benedict  Arnolds  troops 
MassacreAat  Fort  Grifwould 

Septber  the  6th  1781  in  the  40th 

year  of  his  Age. 

Reader  conlider  how  I  fell 
For  Liberty  I  blead 
Oh  then  repent  ye  Sons  of  hell 
For  the  innocent  blood  you  (head 


In  the  old  Ground  at  Allyn's  Point  in  Ledyard: 

In  Memory  of  Bel  ton 

Allyn1  fon  to  Dean  Jofeph 

Allyn  who  fell  in  fort 

Grifwould  by  traitor  Ar 

nolds  corps  fepr  6  1781 

in  ye  17th  year  of  his  Age. 

By  Cruel  rage  of  Britifh 
man  this  body"  brought 
to  dull:  again  But  we 
through  faith  do  hope 
this  duft  will  rife 
in  triumph  with  ye  Juft. 

1  On  the  morning  of  the  battle  this  young  man,  in  company  with  his 
Cousin  Benadam,  started  for  the  fort  in  answer  to  the  signal  guns,  as  he 
had  often  before  done.  On  their  way  they  called  upon  a  sister  of  Ben- 
adam, who  was  teaching  school  near  Gale's  Ferry.  To  her  anxious  in- 
quiry of  where  they  were  going  so  early  with   their  guns,    Benadam 


Monumental  Records.  105 

In  Memory  of  Mr 
Benadam  Allyn  who  died 
fep1  6th  1781  In  fort  grifwould 
by  traitor  arnalds  murdering 
Corps  in  ye  20th  year  of  his  Age. 
To  future  ages  this  (hall 
Tell  This  brave  youth 
in  fort  grifwould  fell 
For  amaricas  Liberty 
He  fought  &  Blead 
Alas  he  died 

In  Memory  of  Cap1  Si 
meon  Allyn  who  Died 

fepr  6  1781  in  fort 
Griiwould  with  his  Lieu1 
Enfn  &  13  foldiers  by  trai 
tor  arnolds  murdering  Corps 
in  ye  37th  year  of  his  Age. 
By  Gods  decree  my  bounds 
ware  fixt  the  time  ye 
place  though  much  Confuf d 
the  Caufe  was  good  ye 
means  was  vile.     Snatchd 
me  from  Charms  of 
Golden  Life. 

replied,  "Down  to  the  training  to  see  the  fun."     "You  will  never  come 
back  alive,"  said  she,  and  burst  into  tears. 

Belton  was  killed  on  the  ramparts  soon  after  entering  the  works,  and 
before  the  storm.  On  learning  of  his  departure,  his  father  armed  him- 
self, and  mounting  his  horse,  followed  as  rapidly  as  possible,  to  share  his 
danger ;  but  on  his  arrival  found  the  fort  invested,  and  he  was  compelled, 
through  the  long  hours  of  dreadful  suspense,  to  await  within  hearing,  the 
result  of  the  conflict,  to  find  at  last  his  only  son  a  corpse. 

15 


io6  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

In  the  Turner  Ground  in  Ledyard: 

In  Memory  of  Mr 

Mofes  Jones  who  was 

flain  in  fo^t  Grifwould 

fep1  6th   1781   in  ye  25th 

year  of  his  Age 

Will  not  a  day  of  Rec 
oning  come,  Does  not 
my  blood  for  vengeance 
Cry?     How  will  thofe 
Wretches  hear  their 
Doom  who  hath  me 
Slain  Molt  Murderoufly 


In  Memory  of  Mr  Jofeph 

Moxley  who  Died  feptr 

6th  1781,  in  fort  Griswould 

by  traitor  arnolds 

murdering  Corps  in  yc 

46th  year  of  his  Age. 

By  Gods  decree  my 
bounds  ware  fixt,  the 
time  the  place,  the  means 
though  vile,  &  whilft  I  blead, 
the  views  of  blifs,  Faith 
triumphed  over  Moniter  Death. 


Monumental  Records.  107 

Near  Morgan's  Pond,  [or  Sandy  Hollow,]  Ledyard: 

In  Memory  of  Mr  Simeon 

Morgan  who  died  fepr  6th 

1781  in  fort  Grifwould  by  trai 

tor  arnolds  murdering  Corps 

in  ye  vf  year  of  his  Age. 

This  Blooming  youth  in 
fweets  of  life,  his  God 
doth  Call  while  Cannon 
roar,  a  winged  dart 
doth  feafe  his  breath, 
&  takes  him  from 
this  Golden  fhore. 


In  Memory  of  Enf n 

John  Letter  who  died 

fepr  6th  1781  in  fort 

Griiwould  by  traitor 

Arnolds  murdering  Corps 

in  ye  42d  year  of  his  Age. 

By  Gods  decree  my  bounds 
ware  fixt,  the  time  ye 
place  though  much  Confuf d, 
the  Caufe  was  good  ye 
means  was  vile,  Snatchd 
me  from  Charms  of 
Golden  Life 


108  Battle  of  Grot  on  Heights. 

In  Memory  of  Mr 

Andrew  Baker  who  Died 

lepr  6th  1781  in  fourt  Grif 

would  by  Traitor  Arnolds 

Murdering  Corps  in  the 

26th  year  of  his  Age. 

This  gallant  youth  while 
Cannons  roar,  Decreed  by 
God  to  live  no  more 
a  fudden  dart  by  mur 
dering  hands,  Death  Ceafed 
his  life  at  Gods  Command. 


In  Memory  of 

Lieut  Jofeph  Lewis  who 

died  feptr  6th  1781  In  fourt 

Grifwould  by  traitor  Arnolds 

murdering  Corps  in  ye  41st 

year  of  his  Age. 

This  gallant  man  when  God 
Doth  call  doth  give  his  life 
in  freedoms  caufe;  a  fudden 
dart  doth  wing  away  that 
precious  life  that  dwells 
in  Clay. 


Monumental  Records.  109 

In  the  "Old  Palmer  Ground,"  near  the  head  of  Palmer's 
Cove,  at  Noank,  is  the  following: 


In  Memory  of  M1 

David  Palmer  who 

was  flain  in  Fort 

Grifwould  fep  6th 

1781  in  ye  38 
year  of  his  Age. 


In  the  "Old  Ground"  at  Pequonoc: 

Sacred  to  the 
Memory  of  Mr 
Thomas  Avery 
fon  to  Park  Avery 
Jnr  who  made 
his  exit  in  fort 
Grifwould  fept 
6th  1781  Aged 
17  years. 

Life  how  lhort  Eternity 
how  long. 


i  io  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

In  Memory  of  Enfign 

Daniel  Avery  who 

nobly  nobly  Sa 

crificed  his  Life 

in  Defence  of  fort 

Grifwould  &  the 

Liberties  of  America 

fep1  6  1781  in  ye 
41st  year  of  his  Age. 


In  Memory  of  Mr 

Solomon  Avery 

who  was  flain  in 

fort  Grifwould  by 

the  britilh  troops 

fep1  6th  1781  in 

ye  33d  year  of 

his  Age. 


In  Memory  of  Mr 

Patric  Ward  who 

fell  a  victim  to 

Britilh  cruelty  in  fort 

Grifwould  fep1  6th 

1781  in  ye  25th 

year  of  his  Age 


Monumental  Records,  1 1 1 

In  Memory  of 

Mr  Elifha  Avery 

who  was  ilain  in  fort  Grifwould 

fep*  6  1781  in 

yC  2^th  year  Q£ 

his  Age. 

It  is  appointed 

for  man  once 

to  die. 


In  Memory  of 

Mr  Jafper  Avery 

who  was  ilain  in  fort 

Grifwould  in  defence 

of  his  Countrys 

freedom   fepr  6th 

1781  in  ye  38th  year 

of  his  Age. 

This  life  uncer 

tain    but    Death 

comes  to  all 


112  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

In  Memory  of 
Cap1  Elijah  Avery 

who    having  filled  up 

Private  andjocial  life  with  endearing  Expreffions 

of  Tendernefs  &  affection 

Dif played  a  moft  brave  £s?  heroic  fpirit 

In  defence  of  Fort  Grifwold 

and  American  Liberty 

&  fell  afacrifice  to  britijh  Barbarity 
Septr  6th  1?8l  in  the  4gth 

year  of  his  Age 


In  Memory  of 

David  Avery  Esqr 

who  having  performed  the  endearing 

Office  of  Friend/hip  and.  Religion 

in  Social  Connections ; 

and  ufefully  and  honorably 

ferved  the  Public  in  various  Characters ; 

Nobly  riffcd  his  life  in  defence  of 

Fort  Grifwold  &  American  Freedom ; 

and  fell  a  victim  to  britijh  Inhumanity 

Sepf  6th,  1781,  in  the  54th 

Year  of  his  age. 


Monumental  Records.  1 13 

In  the  Old  Ground  at  Burnett's  Corners,  in  Groton: 


In 

Memory  of 

John  P  Babcock 

who  together  with  a  small 

party  of  Americans  in 

Fort  Griswold  withstood 

an  Assault  made  by  a 

Detachment  of 

British  Troops 

until  being  overcome 

by  superior  numbers 

he  was  Massacred 

Sep*  6th  1781 

^30  years. 


In  memory  of  Cap1 

Hubbard  Burrows 

who  was  killed 

in  Fort  Grifwold 

Sept  6th  1781 

in  the  42d  year 

of  his  age. 


16 


114  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

In  the  White  Hall  Ground  on  Mystic  River,  in  the 
town  of  Stonington: 


In  Memory  of  Mr 

Thomas  Williams 

who  was  killd  in 

fourt  Grifwould 

fepr  6th 

Jtcb  1781 

in  ye  60th  year 
of  his  age. 


The  following  inscription  is  in  the  private  ground  of 
Seth  Williams,  Esq.,  on  the  "Norwich  and  Mystic  road,"  in 
the  town  of  Ledyard: 


In  Memory  of 

Lieut  Henry  Williams 

fon  of  Cap'  Henry  Williams 

&  Mary  his  Wife 

who  fell  at  Fort 

Grifwold  Sep  6th  1781 

in  the  32*  year  of 

his  age. 


Monumental  Records.  115 

In  the   first  Ground  in  New  London  are  those  given 
below. 


In  Memory  of 

Mr  John  Holt  Junr 

who  was  flain  in  Fort 

Grifwold  fep  6th   1781 

in  the  35  year  of  his  age. 


In  Memory  of  Cap1 

Adam  Shapley  of  Fort 

Trumbull  who  brauely 

gave  his  Life  for  his 

Countrv.     A  fatal  Wound 

at  Fort  Grifwold  Sep  6th 

1781  caufed  his  Death 

Febr  14  1782  Aged 

45  years 

Shapley  thy  deed  reverse 
the  Common  doom 
and  makes  thy  name 
immortal  in  a  tomb 


In  Memory 

of  Mr  John  Clark  who  departed 

this  life  Sept  6th  1781 

aged  34. 


1 1 6  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 


In  Memory  of 
Lieut  Richard  Chapman 

who  was  Killed  at 

Fort  Grifwold  Septr  6th 

1781  in  the  45  year 

of  his  aere 


How  Juddenly  deaths  arrows  fly 
They  ftrike  us  £s?  they  pajs  not  by 
But  hurl  us  to  the  grave. 


In  Memory  of 

Jonathan  Fox1  who 

loft  his  Life  in  de 

fence  of  his  Country 

fep1  6th  1781  by 

a  Wound  received 

in  his  breaft  when 

Courageoufly  faceing 

his  Unnatural 

Enemies  &  in  ye 

30th  year  of  his  Age. 


1  He  was  doubtless  killed  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  as  his  name 
does  not  appear  among  those  of  the  killed  in  Fort  Griswold. 


Monumental  Records.        .  117 

In  Cedar  Grove  Cemetery,  New  London.     This  stone 
was  removed  from  the  Old  Ground  a  few  years  since: 

In  Memory  of 

Cap'  Peter  Richards 

who  was  willing  to  Hazzard 

every  danger  in  defence 

of  American  Independence 

was  a  Volunteer  in 

Fort  Grifwold  at  Groton 

the  6th  of  fept  1781 

and  there  Slain  in  the 

28  year  of  his  Age. 


In  the  Old  Stanton  Burial-Ground,  in  Stonington,  are 
buried  in  one  grave,  two  brothers;  their  monument  bears 
the  following  inscription: 


Lieut  Enoch  Stanton  died 

in  ye  36th  year  of 

his  Age. 


Serg1  Daniel  Stanton  died 

in  ye  26th  year  of 

his  Age. 


Here  intered  are  the  bodies  of  two  brothers 

Sons  of  Cap'  Phineas  Stanton  and 

Elizabeth  his  wife,  who  fell  with  many 

of  their  friends  Sep'  6th  J  781,  while  man 

fully  fighting  for  the  liberty  of  their  country 

and  in  defence  of  Fort  Grifwould. 

The  affailants  were  troops  commanded 

by  that  moil  defpicable  parricide, 

Benedict  Arnold. 


n8  Battle  of  Grot  on  Heights. 

In  the  Burial-Ground  near  Comstock's  Wharf,  in  the 
town  of  Montville,  is  a  fine  granite  monument,  bearing  the 
following : 

Erected  By 

Robert  Comstock  Esq 

to  the  Memory  of 

his  Grandfather 

James  Comstock 

who  bravely  fell 

in    Fort    Griswold 

in  the  Service  of  his  Country 

Sept  6  1783  [1] 

Aged  75. 

A  signal  example  of  valor 

Patriotism  and  heroic  virtue. 


In  the  Old  Ground  on  Saybrook  Point: 

Daniel1  Son  of 

Cap1.  Charles  & 

Mrs  Temparence 

Williams 

who  fell  in  the  Action 

in  Port  Grifwould 

on  Groton  hill  on  the 

6th  of  Septr  1781 

in  the  15th  year 

of  his  Age. 


Monumental  Records.  1 19 

1  This  boy  was  in  Fort  Griswold  as  a  substitute  tor  a  man  by  the  name 
of  Kirtland,  who  had  been  drafted  from  the  Saybrook  Militia,  but  whose 
wife  being  sick  he  was  excused,  and  Williams  accepted  in  his  stead.  The 
price  of  substitution  was  a  hogshead  of  cider,  paid  to  his  father  by 
Kirtland. 

He  arrived  at  the  fort  only  the  day  preceding  the  battle,  and  was 
killed  by  a  rifle-shot  while  passing  powder  from  the  magazine  to  the  ar- 
tillerists before  the  assault.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the  garrison  of 
whom  there  remains  a  record. 

His  name  does  not  appear  upon  the  memorial  tablet  in  the  monument; 
why  is  not  understood.  The  only  reason  probable  is,  either  his  late  ar- 
rival followed  so  soon  by  the  battle,  or  being  a  substitute  his  true  name 
was  not  enrolled. 


APPENDIX. 


SEE    CORRESPONDING    NUMBERS    IN    THE    LIST    OF    KILLED,  PAGES 


85,  86. 


i.  Captain  Amos  Stanton. — Resided  in  the  north  parish 
of  Groton,  since  town  of  Ledyard.  He  was  an  officer  in  the 
regular  army,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  at  home  on  furlough. 

Extensive  inquiry  and  research  failed  to  discover  the  place  of 
his  burial,  which  is  supposed,  however,  to  have  been  in  the  old 
and  now  discontinued  burial-ground  on  the  hill-side,  near  the 
residence  of  Charles  Stanton,  Esq.,  in  Ledyard. 

2.  Captain  Nathan  Moore. — Lived  on  Groton  Bank, 
near  the  ferry.  There  is  little  doubt  but  that  his  remains  were 
interred  in  the  Ledyard  Cemetery. 

3.  Sergeant  John  Stedman. — Nothing  is  known  of  him, 
save  that  he  died  in  the  fort.  His  friends  suppose  him  to  have 
been  buried  in  the  old  ground  east  of  and  near  Gale's  Ferry. 

4.  Sergeant  Ezekiel  Bailey. — Probably  buried  in  the 
Starr  Ground. 


5.  Sergeant  Christopher  Avery. — His  descendants  sup- 
pose him  to  have  been  interred  at  Poquonoc  with  his  family. 

6.  Corporal  Edward  Mills. — In  the  old  ground  on 
"Whitman  Meeting-House  Hill." 

7.  Corporal  Luke  Perkins,  Jr.,  son  of  Elnathan  Perkins, 
buried  in  the  Starr  Ground,  and  whose  epitaph  is  given  in  this 
work.  He  was,  without  doubt,  buried  near  his  father,  and  his 
grave  designated  by  a  monument,  but  which  has  now  disappeared. 


Appendix.  121 

8.  Corporal  Nathan  Sholes. — Nothing  definite  can  be 
learned  of  him.  He  is  supposed,  however,  by  old  inhabitants, 
to  have  been  buried  in  the  "Sandy  Hollow"  Ground,  in  Led- 
yard,  near  which  his  family  resided. 

9.  Sylvester  Walworth,  buried  in  Ledyard  Cemetery. 
His  grave  is  known  to  have  been  left  unprovided  with  memorial 
stones. 

10.  1 1.  Phillip  Covil  and  Jedediah  Chester. — Of  these 
men  nothing  can  be  learned. 

12.  David  Seabury,  a  relative  of  Bishop  Seabury.  The 
family  lived  in  Ledyard,  near  Poquetanock,  where  his  unmarked 
grave  is  supposed  to  be. 

13.  John  Brown. — Nothing  known. 

14  Nathan  Adams. — Lived  in  the  section  of  Groton 
known  as  "Gungewamps,"  where,  in  a  thickly  wooded  valley,  is  a 
rough,  uncut  slab  of  granite,  upon  which  are  rudely  engraved 
the  initials  N.  A.  Tradition  says  this  stone  was  prepared  by 
Adams- previous  to  his  death,  and  after  that  event,  in  accordance 
with  his  desire,  it  was  placed,  by  his  friends,  at  his  grave. 

15,  Samuel  Hill. — Nothing  known  of  him;  probably  a 
transient  inhabitant  of  Groton. 

16.  Jonas  Lester. — Probably  buried  near  his  cousin,  Ensign 
JohntLester,  in  the  "Sandy  Hollow"  Ground.  Nothing  defi- 
nite known. 

17.  John  Billings. — Is  thought  to  have  belonged  to  North 
Stonington.  Nothing  can  be  ascertained  regarding  the  place  of 
his  sepulture. 

18,  19,  20.  Joseph  Wedger,  Samuel  Billings,  and  Eli- 
day  Jones,  unknown. 

21.  Thomas  Lamb. — in  the  ancient  ground  on  "Whitman 
Meeting-House  Hill,"  Groton. 

17 


122  Battle  of  Groton  Heights. 

22.  Frederick  Chester. — Not  certainly  known,  but  very 
probably  was  buried  with  his  relatives  in  the  Starr  Ground. 

23,  24.     Daniel  Davis  and  Daniel  B.  Lester,  unknown. 
So  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  Lester  was  not  connected  with 

the  families  to  which  John,  Jonas,  and  Wait  belonged. 

25.  Solomon  Tift. — His  name  does  not  appear  upon  the 
tablet  in  the  monument,  but  is  found  in  the  list  of  killed  pub- 
lished in  the  Connecticut  Gazette  of  September  21st,  1781, 
which,  so  far  as  complete,  is  undoubtedly  correct.  There  are 
those  of  the  same  name  and  probably  of  the  same  family  now 
residing  in  Groton,  but  the  place  of  his  interment  can  not  be 
ascertained. 

If  to  this  name  we  add  those  of  Jedediah  [or  Jeremiah  in  the 
Gazette]  Chester  and  Daniel  Williams,  also  not  upon  the  tablet, 
we  reconcile  the  apparent  inconsistency  between  Arnold's  official 
report,  which  gives  the  number  found  dead  in  the  fort  as  eighty- 
five,  and  the  monumental  list  of  the  same  number,  but  which  is 
known,  however,  to  include  the  names  of  three  who  died  sub- 
sequent to  the  enemy's  departure,  viz:  Adam  Shapley,  Eldredge 
Chester,  and  Youngs  Ledyard ;  thus  making  a  total  of  eighty- 
eight  slain,  instead  of  eighty-five,  as  heretofore  supposed. 

26.  Benoni  Kenson. — Credited  to  New  London.  No  rep- 
resentative of  the  family  has  resided  in  the  neighborhood  for 
many  years.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  sailor  attached  to  one  of 
the  privateer  vessels  lying  in  the  harbor  at  the  time,  and  volun- 
teered for  the  defense  of  the  fort.  If  so,  he  was  doubtless  in- 
terred in  the  Old  Ground  at  New  London. 

27.  28.  Jonathan  Butler  and  William  Bolton,  known 
to  have  been  buried  in  the  last-named  ground. 

29.  William  Comstock,  a  member  of  Captain  Shapley's 
company,  was  probably  buried  in  the  Comstock  Ground,  in 
Montville. 

30,  31.  Elias  Coit  and  Barney  Kinney,  in  the  first 
ground  at  New  London. 


Appendix.  123 

32.  Captain  Elias  H.  Halsey  was  captain  of  a  privateer 
"brig  lying  in  the  harbor.  He  was  probably  from  Bridgehampton, 
Long  Island,  where  many  of  the  name  still  reside. 

33,  34.  John  Whittlesey,  (aged  23,)  and  his  half  brother, 
Stephen  Whittlesey,  (16,)  although  originally  credited  to 
New  London,  are  known  to  have  belonged  to  that  part  of  Say- 
brook  now  constituting  the  town  of  Westbrook.  They  were 
drafted  from  the  militia  of  that  town  for  the  defense  of  New 
London  Harbor,  and  were  members  of  Captain  Shapley's  com- 
pany of  artillery,  stationed  in  Fort  Trumbull.  Their  burial- 
place  is  not  definitely  known,  but  it  is  highly  probable  that  it  is 
near  that  of  an  elder  brother,  (Joseph,)  whose  monument  is 
found  in  the  cemetery  at  Westbrook  Village. 

35.  Sambo  Latham,  unknown. 

36.  Jordan  Freeman. — He  was  the  body  servant  of  Colo- 
nel Ledyard,  and  buried  in  the  Ledyard  Cemetery. 


FINIS. 


FOURTEEN  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 


This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

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